Against Imperialist War, Fascism, Reaction, and Exploitation—Workers of the World, Oppressed Peoples and Nations, Unite!
Capitalism means a system of wage slavery. Capitalism means crisis and the instigation of unjust wars. The capitalist-imperialist system means war, the exploitation of labor, poverty, and the forced existence of workers, the oppressed nations, women, and religious groups living under inhumane conditions.
As long as the imperialist-capitalist system, which dominates the world, continues to exist, there can be no talk of true peace. For this reason, the path for the international proletariat and the oppressed peoples and nations of the world to free themselves from imperialist occupations, oppression, and exploitation and to establish peace lies in consigning imperialism and all forms of reaction to the dustbin of history, and in advancing toward people’s democracy, independence, socialism, and the ultimate goal of communism.
Indeed, in the current context, the crisis of the imperialist capitalist system persists, and the deepening of this crisis inevitably intensifies the market competition—the struggle to expand spheres of influence—among the imperialist powers. The monopolies’ insatiable greed for maximum profit—just as we see today in the Middle East and other regions—brings conflict in its wake and leads to an intensification of exploitative policies. Undoubtedly, in such processes, imperialist centers do not remain silent; on the contrary, the effects of the crisis deepen the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and make the discontent of the broad masses of workers even more visible. This reality can be observed today in many capitalist imperialist centers.
To be more specific, the fact that many businesses are operating below capacity, the decline in workers’ purchasing power, and the steady rise in unemployment all demonstrate the scale of the deepening crisis. Although the official figures released in many countries on these issues may not reflect the reality, the sheer magnitude of the numbers nonetheless serves to summarize the existing situation.
Historical experience shows that during such crisis periods, imperialist monopolies also turn to excessive militarization to protect their maximum profits. This is exactly what is happening today. Conflicts created at the regional level and imperialist interventions inevitably lead to increased militarization. The militarization of the economy, driven by these manufactured conflicts, may alleviate the crisis to some extent; but as a whole, it cannot pull this exploitative system of plunder out of the crisis. This is because, in general terms, the militarization of the economy entails measures such as restricting the production of consumer goods needed by the broad masses of the people and raising taxes. All these measures often pave the way not for overcoming the crisis, but for the emergence of new, multifaceted crises.
Contradictions Among Imperialists Are Deepening
In the broadest sense, “war is the continuation of politics by other means,” and as long as exploitative ruling powers exist, wars are inevitable. In the words of Comrade Lenin: “Only if we overthrow, defeat, and strip the bourgeoisie of its property—not just in a single country, but throughout the entire world—will wars become impossible” (1)
At this stage, the deepening of contradictions among imperialists is also increasing the danger of imperialist war. At the 36th NATO summit held in Turkey, the decisions made by the United States and other NATO member countries—most of which are EU member states—regarding military buildup lay bare this growing danger in all its starkness. Of course, the growing threat of imperialist war stems from the global economic crisis of the imperialist capitalist system, which necessitates a redivision of the world.
Behind the economic and military support provided to the puppet regime in Ukraine at the recent NATO summit lies the aim of prolonging the war to prevent Russian imperialists from extricating themselves from this quagmire. Likewise, the market struggle between U.S. and Chinese imperialists—portrayed to the public as a “trade war”—is also becoming increasingly intense. Clearly, U.S. imperialism is the primary instigator of the growing threat of imperialist war. Seeing hope for a way out of the crisis in the war economy, U.S. imperialism is instigating wars in many parts of the world and signing new agreements for arms sales. And all these developments are leading to a deepening of the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples.
Furthermore, the EU imperialists are currently supporting the aggressive policies pursued by the U.S. and Israeli Zionists against Iran and Lebanon. All these facts reveal the following reality: Despite all the contradictions between the U.S. and the EU imperialist blocs, the EU imperialists will essentially follow a policy parallel to that of the U.S. regarding aggressive policies toward Russia, China, and Iran.
While EU imperialists opposed the Russian imperialists’ invasion of Ukraine, they supported the genocidal policy being carried out by Israeli Zionists in Gaza; nor did they hesitate to extend the same support to the religious, political Islamist gangster regime in Syria. The fact that U.S. and EU imperialists find common ground on these issues does not mean that the relations between these imperialist rogue powers are free of contradictions or conflict. What matters most in relations among imperialists are the interests of the monopolies; friendships and alliances are temporary. In this sense, contradictions among imperialists persist and will continue to do so.
The Tasks of the International Proletariat Against Imperialist Aggression
As we noted above, U.S. imperialism is the main actor in the escalating provocation of imperialist war. Therefore, it is an urgent and non-negotiable duty for all progressive and revolutionary forces—particularly the class-conscious proletariat—opposed to unjust wars to direct the sharp end of their struggle against U.S. imperialism and to focus their efforts on exposing this rogue power.
We reiterate once again: in the world, and particularly in the Middle East, U.S. imperialism and the Israeli Zionists are the main actors behind the genocidal, occupying, and aggressive policies directed against the Palestinian people, Iran, and Lebanon. Likewise, revolutionaries and communists have no doubts whatsoever regarding the anti-communist stance of the mullah regime in Iran and the counterrevolutionary policies it pursues in its struggle against oppressed nations and ethnic minorities. Just as this is true, standing in solidarity with the Iranian people—who are subjected to the unjust attacks of U.S. imperialism and Israeli Zionism—is a duty that must be fulfilled.
Through these policies of aggression and unjust war, the imperialists and their accomplices are attempting to intimidate the peoples of the world as a whole. This is the reality. And the task of the international proletariat is not merely to point out these facts; the essential task is to raise the banner of struggle against imperialism and global reaction in light of these facts. We must act in accordance with the perspective of transforming the imperialist war into a civil war.
In a world where women’s rights and gender equality are disregarded, where LGBTQI+ individuals are murdered because of their sexual orientation, where freedom of thought and association is besieged by repressive laws, and where chauvinism and racist nationalism are stoked, the justice and legitimacy of the struggle for revolution and communism are indisputable.
Based on all these objective facts, we can once again point to the following realities: The capitalist-imperialist system is floundering in a crisis; this crisis makes all its contradictions and irreconcilable conflicts even more pronounced. In other words, the contradictions between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the imperialist centers are deepening; imperialist aggression and occupations are making the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples more visible. And the ongoing struggle for hegemony among the imperialists points to a growing threat of war.
As historical experience shows, the heavy price of this deepening crisis will once again be paid by the working class and the people. In the face of all these comprehensive attacks by the bourgeois ruling system, the reactions of the working class and laborers will intensify. The response of the ruling powers to these reactions will not be to expand the scope of economic, democratic rights, and freedoms, but rather to resort to fascist terror by turning toward even greater reactionary measures.
Likewise, drawing on historical experience, we can reiterate the following: Although many revolutions in the past emerged in the wake of major crises, not every crisis leads to a revolution. The level of consciousness and organization of the international proletariat and working people is of critical importance for the revolution.
To put it in the words of Comrade Stalin: “The victory of the revolution never comes of its own accord. It must be prepared for and won through struggle. And the only force capable of preparing it is a strong proletarian revolutionary party.” There are times when the situation is revolutionary, and the bourgeoisie’s rule has been shaken to its foundations, yet the victory of the revolution still does not come, because the proletariat lacks a revolutionary party that is strong and authoritative enough to lead the masses and seize power. It would be foolish to assume that such ‘situations’ will not arise” (2)
In such a process, where steps are being taken to ensure the unity of the international communist movement, all sections of the communist movement must learn from these historical experiences for the victory of the struggle for revolution and socialism. They must build strong revolutionary parties capable of leading the masses and winning their support.
The Victory of the New Democratic and Socialist Revolutions Depends on the Solidarity and Unity of International Communist Forces
The communist movement is, by its very nature, internationalist. In this sense, defending the unity of communists and struggling for this cause is the duty of all communist parties and organizations. No one can exempt themselves from this duty. Guided by the principle that “the greatest international duty is to make a revolution in one’s own country,” one cannot remain indifferent to international work. Carrying out a revolution in one’s own country—that is, liberating a region that is part of the imperialist capitalist system—is a major blow to imperialism and global reaction. It is a source of hope for new proletarian revolutions and a gateway to a free future. Focusing on these practical tasks in this direction is by no means an obstacle to standing in solidarity with the social and national liberation struggles unfolding in other countries, or to supporting the processes of building new communist parties and organizations. These tasks are not mutually exclusive; nor does making one the primary objective render the other unnecessary.
First and foremost, clarity must be achieved at the level of understanding regarding these issues. Because if clarity at the level of understanding—and thus unity—cannot be achieved, the likelihood of difficulties arising in the fulfillment of the concrete tasks set forth increases significantly.
Again, regarding the fulfillment of these tasks and the simultaneous achievement of unity among communists, it is quite understandable that the contributions made by parties and organizations will vary in degree. What matters here is the unity achieved regarding the fundamental aims and objectives. Any contribution made wherever this quality—and trust—exists is valuable and meaningful. What is sought in the unity of communists is not absolute equality in contributions, but sincere unity in aims and objectives.
What Matters Most Is Commitment to the Principles of MLM
When we look at the history of the international communist movement, we see that there have always been parties that have taken a more active and leading role in ensuring the unity of communists. This is an objective fact. In other words, it is a situation related to the position these parties have occupied in the ongoing struggle between revolution and counterrevolution. Undoubtedly, this alone is not sufficient; what truly matters is adherence to the universal principles of MLM.
This principled stance defines the nature of political parties. The stance of every party that takes MLM revolutionary theory as its guide and adopts a practical approach consistent with it is a principled one. Today, just as in the past, this is the general line of the international communist movement.
In the current context, this line envisions the struggle for new democratic and socialist revolutions under the leadership of the proletariat against imperialism and all forms of reaction. It holds that practical efforts are necessary to form anti-imperialist and anti-fascist fronts—alliances—on the broadest possible basis against the growing threat of imperialist war.
This line regards the struggle to build a world free from oppression, exploitation, and war—by uniting the workers of all countries, as well as the oppressed peoples and nations—as its raison d’être. To disregard or dilute these and similar revolutionary principles is to turn one’s back on the just and legitimate struggles of the oppressed peoples and nations, foremost among them the international proletariat. Consequently, the international communist movement regards it as its duty to confront all forms of bourgeois ideology in order to maintain its unity and its commitment to revolutionary principles.
Likewise, within the international communist movement, as was the case in the twentieth century, there are differences in understanding that may correspond to revolutionary principles. The most correct path is to clearly delineate these differences in discussion forums and to move forward along a patient and constructive line of struggle to resolve them.
Of course, when we speak of the general line of the international communist movement, we are referring to a framework based, in the broadest sense, on the principles of MLM. This general framework will take shape under the leadership of the proletariat, in accordance with the concrete conditions of each country. This scientific approach is precisely what is meant by the “concrete analysis of concrete conditions” or the creative application of MLM’s universal principles in every country.
For this reason, every proletarian movement, while formulating policies suited to the concrete conditions of its own country, must never abandon the creative, scientific approach of combining the universal principles of MLM with its specific conditions. Any formulaic, dogmatic stance put forward in the name of adherence to principles is a purge-oriented stance that yields no results. By “concrete situation,” we mean, in a general sense, the objective situation in the world; it is the political and economic analysis of the regions where we live. It is the extent of the contradictions between the rulers and the ruled. In other words, it is the level of the struggle waged by workers and laborers, as well as oppressed nations and ethnic minorities, for change and for economic and democratic rights and freedoms. It involves analyzing these contradictions from the perspective of the proletarian class and correctly identifying the fundamental contradictions and the principal contradictions arising from them.
LONG LIVE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!
DOWN WITH IMPERIALISM, FASCISM, AND ALL FORMS OF REACTION!
Lenin, Socialism and War
Political Activity Report to the 17th Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the CPSU(B), January 26, 1934; Collected Works, Vol. 13, p. 263
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