Proletarians of the whole world, unite!

“Words lead to actions”: Do it all for the Maoist International Conference!

Communist greetings, Comrades

It is with great joy and an inseparable sense of proletarian, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, internationalist duty that we welcome this very important meeting of the international maoist. We are among the growing number of advanced elements, among revolutionary intellectuals and vanguard workers, who recognize the role played by the New Democratic Revolution in India as a strategic anchor of the World Socialist Revolution (WSR). In this century, marked so far by the intensification of class and national struggles resulting from the crisis of the imperialist system (and imperialism is nothing more than capitalism on its deathbed), the most relevant favorable subjective event in the communist field was the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in September 2004. By merging the two main currents continuing the “spring thunder” of Naxalbari in 1967—whose experience, systematized at the 9th Congress in 2007, is a valuable and impressive reservoir of lessons for new generations of communists— the Indian Maoist comrades not only gave new impetus to the revolution in their own country, but also provided the Communist International Movement (CIM) a solid base of ideological, political, and material support in the form of a concrete revolutionary experience to be defended and propagated.

In this century, as in the course of the revolutions of the last century, communists are fighting on two fronts: against imperialism and its machinations and aggressions on the one hand, and against opportunism on the other. There is a path that leads from life to books and from books to life, and it is a fact proven by historical experience that every revolution is preceded by an acute theoretical struggle over which path to follow in order to achieve the initially proposed objectives¹. Similarly, counterrevolutions penetrate the ideological plane by proposing all sorts of “shortcuts” or intertwining between proletarian ideology and bourgeois ideology. Of course, the main discernment, the final word in this debate, is given by conscious revolutionary practice, and it is the commitment and ability to carry out its formulations that distinguishes a committed and theoretically relevant debate from a mere scholastic exercise. However, it would be a serious mistake to fall into the opposite error of underestimating the crucial importance of the ideological struggle in the name of escaping empty theorizing. As our Chinese comrades correctly summarized, “we must fully recognize the protracted nature of the class struggle and the struggle of two lines”². Every new condition generates as a unity the possibility and necessity of new advances in Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolutionary theory and, alongside it, falsely original forms of its revision.

On the ideological front, we must wage a relentless struggle against both blatant forms of opportunism (in the contemporary world, its most clumsy expression is the so-called “Xi Jinping Thought,” which uses Chairman Mao's slogans to promote imperialism with Chinese characteristics) and subtle, supposedly respectable, and revolutionary forms. No pragmatic criterion could override the need to apply what Lenin constantly emphasized, that “a policy of principles is the only correct policy”³. This applies, of course, not only within the party, but also to the international communist movement. This example of swimming against the tide in defense of principles—which makes the situation of isolation only temporary, because to stand by principles is ultimately to stand with the fundamental historical current that is revolution—was put into practice by Lenin and the Bolsheviks when they denounced the majority of social democratic parties that voted in favor of war credits in 1914. In this extremely difficult context, full of lessons for the present day, as we march toward a new war of division, he said, in defending the founding of a new International regardless of the number of its supporters:

“And if socialists of that type are few, let every Russian worker ask himself whether there were many really class-conscious revolutionaries in Russia on the eve of the February-March revolution of 1917. It is not a question of numbers, but of giving correct expression to the ideas and policies of the truly revolutionary proletariat. The thing is not to “proclaim” internationalism, but to be able to be an internationalist in deed, even when times are most trying. (...) It is better to remain with one friend only, like Liebknecht, and that means remaining with the revolutionary proletariat (...) Let the dead bury their dead. Whoever wants to help the waverers must first stop wavering himself” (Lênin, “The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution”, april 1917).

Whether on the international or national stage, a communist cannot fear fighting in the minority, nor use their momentary weakness as an excuse for inertia and the adoption of a policy of appeasement with opportunistic positions. The crucial point of dialectical materialism is that there is no knowledge outside of practice, no strength outside of intervention in the class struggle. In this sense, it is crucial that we equip the international proletariat with solid theoretical and political principles, as well as solid combat organizations in each country, to face the pressing tasks of rejecting the imperialist war in preparation and taking advantage of all the possibilities that this explosive situation offers for the development of the revolutionary movement. Precisely for this reason, the most subtle forms of revisionism are the most dangerous, because of their ability to deceive, above all, the new and inexperienced generations about their “revolutionary” nature. This is what the master Lenin said about the “sophisticated” attempts to merge Marxism with fideism, against which he waged a relentless struggle in his “Materialism and Empirio-Criticism”.

In this century, new forms of ‘Maoist’ revisionism have emerged. The most serious of these is in Nepal, under the guise of the ‘Prachanda Path,’ which soon revealed its treacherous nature by integrating itself into the structures of the Nepalese state, of which it became one of the pillars. There, as is often the case, the most blatant distortions of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolutionary principles were presented as a ‘concrete analysis of the concrete situation.’ This was the most serious development, as it temporarily interrupted and defeated the protracted people’s war underway in that country, which dealt a major setback not only to the national communist movement but also to the communist movement worldwide. This betrayal, of course, does not erase the achievements and the rich experience accumulated from 1996 to 2006, a rigorous assessment of which is the essential condition for the resumption of the revolutionary struggle in that country. Another notable manifestation of this new “Maoist” revisionism in the present century was the so-called “new synthesis” touted by Bob Avakian, which is equally harmful in that it incorporates postmodern critiques of Marxism into language resembling Maoism, seeking to transform it into a mere method of analysis divorced from its proletarian and revolutionary character.Both events are related to the disorganization of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), the most significant initiative for the unification of communists on an international scale since the capitalist restoration in China. In fact, conducting a comprehensive and systematic assessment of the ICM after 1976—one that encompasses the experiences of the people’s wars, including that of Peru and its “Gonzalo Thought,” and recognizes that its developments as a specific current within the ICM —known as “primarily Maoism,” which in fact means Gonzalism—are inseparable, is an obligation for the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of our time. After all, combating contemporary manifestations of revisionism is one of the conditions for carrying out an authentic “concrete analysis of the concrete situation.”

These supporters of “President Gonzalo’s universally valid contributions,” in addition to concealing their views within the international organization itself—hence their well-deserved nickname of “ashamed Gonzalists”—also resort to subterfuge to conceal the vile insults they privately direct at the heroic Communist Party of India (Maoist). One such ploy is, in contrast to the official position of the CPI (M) itself and of the immortal Comrade Basavaraj, to attack the comrades of the Communist Party (Maoist) of Italy and the CIAGPI. Indeed, in their former magazine “Internacional Comunista,” these dogmatic revisionists stated:

“The main task, first and primary (SIC), is the constitution or reconstitution of the Communists Parties (note: the culmination of the constitution or reconstitution is - as the PCP shows us – the beginning of the Peoples War!) and simultaneously the two other instruments of the revolution, in the middle of the most fierce class struggle and two lines struggle” (our italics).

There is a Brazilian proverb that says “blacksmith's house, wooden skewer” (“casa de ferreiro, espeto de pau”, used when someone doesn’t practice what he preaches. Isn’t it quite symptomatic, that the ashamed gonzalists, “champions” of “peoples war”, doesn’t do it, while that the parties effectively engaged in it reject its subjectivists formulation? Extravagant militarism without guns!

Moreover, in Brazil, tearing up their own definitions, the “Party” was declared reconstructed a few years ago, but it doesn’t appears to have any peoples war in progress, except from a “preparation” that is more protracted then the whole Chinese revolution… Moreover, we would like that these comrades would explain to the CIM and to the Brazilian proletariat itself about the theoretical and political significance of their original “agrarian revolution”, whereby they deceive the unwary. Without doubt , every peasant struggle for land is essentially just, even when is starred by caudillo, that are so far away from the communism as the sky is from the earth. However, to Mao, Gonzalo and to the Indians and Filipinos comrades, the agrarian revolution is a synonym of agrarian revolutionary war: is the existence of the revolutionary army that ensures the possibility of the exercise of nascent forms of new power. The peoples army act in order to sustain this power, and it is to stop its development that the reactionary uses relentless methods to the counter-revolutionary war, in the course of which inevitably the communists pay their blood quota. It is not any peasant struggle, although just, that can be considered automatically revolutionary, even though it is radicalized. Revolution presupposes the change in which class exercises the power. Is this the reality in the so-called “revolutionary areas”, in which the gonzalists claim to develop in Brazil, itself a strange category, so how could there be such areas outside the peoples war? How could a leadership command an authentic revolutionary process living calmly in the legality, completely away from the class struggle? After all, if this so-called “agrarian revolution” is nothing more then the periodic holding of assemblies, how different it is from the old reformist conceptions of “peoples power” without armed revolutionary struggle? Even the bloodshed of the masses, that must be mourned and valued, is not by itself an evidence of a revolution in the Maoist point of view, because under the landlordist-capitalist order, the masses are effectively murdered even when they fight for the social rights that are included in the law. How could they explain that their Central Committee doesn’t have nowadays even one political prisoner, and any martyred member in thirty years? It is one or the other: either the Brazilian bureaucratic-landlord state is more democratic then the most democratic state of an capitalist country, or their “imminent peoples war” is nothing more then a farce. That people can just think logically about it.

As we can see, the Brazilian ashamed gonzalists and their employees in Europe usurp the prestige of Comrade Gonzalo and the heroic efforts of the Peruvians masses during the peoples war to rise themselves up as “great leaderships”. They also deliberated, that the illustrious unknown that commands the C.P.B. (Illustrious unknown including to the Brazilian proletariat) “succeeded” Comrade Gonzalo on ICM. After his murder, then would that one be the current “greatest Marxist-Leninist-Maiost living on the face of the earth”? These sinister elements got to the point where they included the signature of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP) in the Political Statement and Principles of the International Communist League (ICL) issued in 2022, without any proof of the existence and action of this party united with the proletariat of their country. How can we qualify similar expedients? By any chance they correspond in even a millimeter to the principles of the Proletariat Internationalism? Are these naive manifestations or, on the contrary, a hateful and unacceptable perversion of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist methods, the interweaving of an “ultra revolutionary” verbiage with the typical reactionary fraud and intrigue methods?

Howsoever, the Marxists-Leninist-Maoists must do serious self-criticism, because in parts the disorganizing role in this nefarious gonzalists current is related with our own debility. As the example of Lenin and the Bolsheviks, the idea that it first takes strength so we can organize ourselves is the expression of pragmatism and the old mensheviks thesis of tactic-process and organization-process. The strength can’t come from nowhere, only from the organized action around the agreed principles. This type of organization will open path, even if born fragile. As chairman Mao says, “to conduct a revolution to the victory, a political party must depend on the correction of its own political line and the solidity of its own organization. In the moment that the accelerated march to a new imperialist war for the partition of the world replaces in order of the day the great fundamental problems of the war, the State, the imperialism and the revolution, it is an imperious obligation to endow the new generations of revolutionary and the masses of a consequent proletarian class line, that is, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist. If it is correct that it is never late to organize, it is also correct that the absence of solid combat organizations in each country, capable of not only defend os general principles, mas to formulate flexible tactic consigns that is adequate to the circumstances; in the absence of the party construction in the midst of the struggle to construct the two other instruments, the front and the army (starting from the most embryonic forms of masses self-defense), the new and imminent revolutionary torrent will fail, as the attempt of the german workers had failed in the end of the World War I.

In order to solve the hot issues from the revolution in the current times, we need to settle a score with the last half century of counterrevolution – starting in the restoration in China -, continue to the systematization and synthesis of the revolutionary experiences, both Peru and Nepal, in one side (and their “original” postulates of Gonzalo Thought and Prachanda Path), and India, Philippines and Turkey, on the other, systematization and synthesis that supply the base for the formulation of an General Line to the International Communist Movement capable of establish and common guidance to be applied and developed in each country. It is trough the active and renovated two lines struggle, that this process will be done, because it was only by the struggle that the Marxist-Leninist-Maoism opened path and triumph.

It is precisely in order to resolve the pressing problems of the revolution in our time that we must settle accounts with the past half-century of counterrevolution—beginning with the restoration in China—and undertake a systematization and synthesis of the revolutionary experiences both in Peru and Nepal, on the one hand (and their “original” tenets of Gonzalo Thought and the Prachanda Path), and in India, the Philippines, and Turkey, on the other—a systematization and synthesis that will provide the basis for formulating a General Line of the International Communist Movement capable of establishing a common orientation to be applied and developed in each of these countries. It is through an active, renewed struggle between two lines that this process will be carried out, for it was only through struggle that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism paved the way and triumphed.

The greatest example in our time of this consistent anti-imperialist and revolutionary policy is provided by our comrades in the Communist Party of India (Maoist), to whom we pay our most heartfelt tribute. At the cost of more than five thousand martyrs, the long-standing people’s war continues, having overcome the harsh counterrevolutionary tide that took hold with the restoration of capitalism in China. Although at the cost of heavy losses, we must note that the Party remains operational and, in this sense, has essentially defeated Operation Kagaar. We believe that our camp’s May 1, 2026, Declaration failed to emphasize the significance of this event, which was opportunistically exploited by the disgraced Gonzalists. As Chairman Mao says, it is not enough to tell a few; one must tell many; it is not enough to speak a few times; one must speak thousands of times. In any case, despite its weaknesses, it is here in this Forum that active solidarity with our Indian comrades has been practiced, and where the living forces of the vanguard of the international proletariat are gathered. We highlight, in particular, the role played by the comrades of the Communist Party (Maoist) of Italy, who have loyally and practically fulfilled the role of catalyzing the MCI.

We reaffirm here once again our commitment to building the International Forum as an inseparable part—as flesh and blood—of our own organization.

Lenin said that “words oblige us to act,” and all the parties and organizations gathered here have an obligation to translate the political agreement to hold the Conference into practical actions, in accordance with the principle of “from each according to his or her ability.” In this regard, we believe that the agenda for the future International Conference of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations should be based on the following points, around which there is already a body of important statements and initiatives, whether in the context of the May 1 circulars or in the campaigns in defense of the people’s war in India:

1­ Defense of Marxist-Leninist-Maoism as today's Marxism. This implies in reject theoretically “isms” and “Thoughts” as formulations that collides with this characterization, and are, therefore, revisionism. Even because, the MLM is an integral and universal world view: there can’t be, by definition, one or multiple independent national kinds of Maoism. The concrete application of the universal to the particular is the primary and constant ought of the parties as the elaboration of a political line, program and specific statute, that doesn’t confuses with those formulations.

In order to do that, it must be elected as the starting point the synthetic balance of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution; the period of the IRM (fight against LOD- Peru, Avakian and Prachanda Path) and after its dissolution (fight against ashamed gonzalists and ICL). Particularly, the peoples war in Peru and Nepal balances.

2­ The defense of the peoples wars in India, Philippines and Turkey. For the richness of its formulations and experience, in addition to the demographic and economic weight of their own country to the survival of the imperialist system, we highlight the role of the new democracy revolution in India as the “strategic anchor to the Worlds Socialist Revolution”.

3­ The need to merge the International Communist Movement with the crescent appeal of the masses in the whole world against the racism, fascism and militarism, that serve the purpose of a new imperialist war for the partition of the world. It is necessary to reject any support to a group of bandits against the other, following the example of the Bolsheviks in between 1914-1917, even that this costed persecution and prison. In the case of the oppressed nations assaulted by the imperialism, should be boldly applied the politics of the United Front of Chairman Mao, without giving up the independence and autonomy of the Communist Party or capitulate to the bourgeois nationalism. Where it shouts the gunned agression direct from imperialism – in the case of Iran – it would be criminous to adopt a dubious politics of the type “neither-neither” and maintain out of the patriotic resistance. This would be, truly, the best favor it could be done to the reactionary regimes.

4­ Regarding on the organizational issues, the Coordination that leave from the upcoming Conference must deliberate the matters and the tactical calls based strictly on the deliberations from the foundation forum and from the vast consult to the Parties and organisms-members. It must seek to deliberate the political matters (that is, not merely operational matters) up to the maximum by consent. In this phase, the guidelines that will be emitted by this Coordination must not have binding effects to the different Parties. In this regard, the fact itself that there is a legitimate and organized space to the ideological struggle in the heart of the vanguard it’s on its own the greatest advance to be accomplished and an indisputable progress in the face of the current state.

We support the conception of the Two Lines Struggle Magazine as the point of support to the holding of the Conference. We think that she can form an eletronic format more dinamic, that can be used as an teorical, political and organic lace to serve the future International Conference.

At last, we salute with profound admiration the palestinian people and yours indestruticble resistance to the most brutal genocide provide by the ianque imperialism and the sionist entity. We salute too the iranian and libanese masses/people, who impose the most harsh strikes against the imperialist beast and your prepost sionist in the current century, confirming what Chairman Mao said that the imperialists and reactionarys are all paper tigers. Gaza will win! Naxalbari will win! Comunism will win!

Maoist Communist Committee – Brazil

25 June, 2026

1 This is how Chairman Mao puts it in “On Contradiction”: “The creation and advocacy of revolutionary theory plays the principal and decisive role in those times of which Lenin said, “Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement.” When a task, no matter which, has to be performed, but there is as yet no guiding line, method, plan or policy, the principal and decisive thing is to decide on a guiding line, method, plan or policy”. (Selected Works, Volume I, 1937).

2 “A Basic Understanding of the Communist Party of China”, Shanghai, 1974.

3 “There have been times in the history of our Party when the opinion of the majority or the momentary interests of the Party conflicted with the fundamental interests of the proletariat. On such occasions Lenin would never hesitate and resolutely took his stand in support of principle as against the majority of the Party. Moreover, he did not fear on such occasions literally to stand alone against all, considering—as he would often say—that “a policy based on principle is the only correct policy””. (Stalin, “Lenin: A Speech Delivered at a Memorial Meeting of the Kremlin Military School”, january 1924).

On the Formation of the International Communist League - Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal

 On the Formation of the International Communist League

International Department

Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal

Fifteen Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties operating in fourteen countries have founded an organisation

named the International Communist League (ICL) and released its declaration on December 26, 2022. In

addition, the ICL published an appeal on February 8, 2023. It reads, "We call on the entire international

proletariat, all Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations to join the red flag of ICL to strengthen

this new wave of world proletarian revolution." Our party, the Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal,

releases in brief its opinion on the formation of the ICL, the declaration it issued, and the call through this

declaration to join the ICL.

For the past year, we were busy in bilateral discussions and debates for party unity between our two

parties, the then CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) led by Comrade Kiran and the then CPN (Majority) led by

Comrade Kanchan. We did not think it appropriate to publicize separate views of the two parties on ICL

while the unity process was undergoing, and we did not do that. After the success of the unity talk

between the two parties and the formation of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal under the

leadership of Comrade Kiran, our party has prepared its opinion on this question. Mainly because of this

unity process, our party was a little late in publicizing its views on such an important international event

for the world proletariat. We apologize for this.

After the undeclared dissolution of the RIM, we, the constituents of the United Party, have been

continuously working hard to build an international organization under the guidance of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism. In this sense, we were positive yesterday, and we are so today to any initiative taken

or to be taken by genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties to build that kind of organization. Not only

this, but we also have a clear opinion that the foundation of an international centre of genuine communist

parties based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is inevitable today. In this situation, our party offers

revolutionary greetings to the ICL and the constituent parties that formed it aimed at facing the current

challenges of the world proletarian revolution.

But our party has disagreements on some issues of this international event. We believe that the way the

ICL was constituted, and its declaration was adopted without discussing with many influential parties has

failed to build a strong ideological and political foundation that unifies the ICM. Therefore, in the given

situation, our party will not join the ICL according to its call. However, it does not mean that we do not

want to work together with ICL and go ahead. Our party is in favour of trustworthy and enduring

cooperation and principled unity. Also, pursuing the Maoist method of unity-struggle-transformation and

new unity on a new basis, our party wants to go ahead for a higher level of unity. We are striving for this

and will continue to do so.

ICL has taken positions on many ideological, political, and organizational issues in the declaration. We

agree with many of them and disagree with a few others. We believe that not by negating one another but

by learning from each other's positive aspects through a healthy two-line struggle and reducing one's

limitations and weaknesses can create a strong base that helps achieve a higher level of unity. This is what

we mean by saying that the two-line struggle is the driving force of the Communist Party. In this context,

we have presented our position in points as follows.

First, ICL says, "The principal problem for the ICM is still the dispersion of forces and the main danger is

revisionism." This statement is correct. In addition, it has identified five questions that draw a

demarcation line between Marxism and revisionism in the present world context. They are: "1)

acknowledging or not acknowledging Maoism as the third, new and higher stage of Marxism and the

necessity to combat revisionism and all opportunism; 2) acknowledging or not acknowledging the

omnipotence of revolutionary violence in order to make revolution in each one’s own country; 3)

acknowledging or not acknowledging the necessity to demolish the old state apparatus and replace the

dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the proletariat; 4) acknowledging or not

acknowledging the necessity of the revolutionary party of the proletariat, 5) acknowledging or not

acknowledging the necessity of proletarian internationalism." Our party agrees with the four points

mentioned here. However, the terminology 'omnipotence of revolutionary violence' in point No. 2 seems

to mislead and create some confusion. It is necessary to be clear on this.

Mao spoke in one context about the "omnipotence of war." In an article titled "Problems of War and

Strategy," Mao says, "Some people ridicule us as advocates of the "omnipotence of war." Yes, we are

advocates of the omnipotence of revolutionary war; that is good, not bad; it is Marxist. The guns of the

Russian Communist Party created socialism. We shall create a democratic republic. Experience in the

class struggle in the era of imperialism teaches us that it is only by the power of the gun that the working

class and the labouring masses can defeat the armed bourgeoisie and landlords; in this sense, we may say

that only with guns can the whole world be transformed. We are advocates of the abolition of war, we do

not want war, but war can only be abolished through war, and in order to get rid of the gun, it is necessary

to take up the gun." (Mao, Selected Works, Vol. 2, Page 225). In this article, Mao has again said, "Every

Communist must grasp the truth, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” Our principle is that

the party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the party.” Right at this

point, it is notable what Mao meant by saying, "Put politics in command" during the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution in China.

In that article, when Mao said "the omnipotence of war" is Marxist, he meant that violence is an integral

part of Marxism but not more powerful than Marxism. By saying so, Mao has emphasised that violence is

inevitable for revolution, it is universally applicable, and the role of war guided by Marxist principles in

revolution is omnipotent. The way the ICL has put forward the subject matter is not logical. We believe

the debate that puts aside other related aspects and picks up only those that serve one's logic does not help

anyone reach a correct conclusion. If the demarcation line between Marxism and revisionism is drawn

based on whether one accepts the "omnipotence of war," there is a severe danger that Marxism is reduced

to revolutionary violence. The revolutionary violence is an integral and decisive aspect of Marxism but

not more powerful than Marxism. We want to draw ICL's serious attention to this question. MLM is

omnipotent, not the revolutionary violence. To clarify this Lenin said, "The Marxist doctrine is

omnipotent because it is true." (Lenin Volume 19 Page 23). But we agree that ICL's emphasis on

revolutionary violence is undeniably justified in the present context where parliamentarism has prevailed

in the international communist movement.

Second, the ICL declaration reads, "The new international organization is a centre of ideological,

political, and organizational coordination, based on democratic centralism." Given the present level of

ideological and political unity among the parties, the subjective conditions of our movement to build an

international organization based on democratic centralism have not been met yet. The formation of an

international organization based on democratic centralism, among Communist Parties that have weak

ideological and political grounds and are unable even to publish a joint statement on May Day does not

match the actual objective condition of the movement. In the given situation, every communist party must

emphasize the development of a revolutionary class struggle consistent with the characteristics of its

country, learn from the experiences of the fraternal communist parties, and develop a healthy two-line

struggle to achieve a higher level of unity. The form of an international organization that helps exchange

experiences and organize ideological debates is a loose coordination centre of MLM parties that makes

decisions based on consensus. At this time, all our international work should be focused on this.

We have acquired experiences of First, Second, and Third Internationals active in the past. Summation of

all those experiences is not possible here. But it is relevant to mention Mao's conclusion about the Third

International (Comintern) that operated based on democratic centralism. In a question asked after the

dissolution of the Comintern, Mao said, "At present, the form of revolutionary organization known as the

Communist International is no longer adapted to the necessities of the struggle. To continue this

organizational form would, on the contrary, hinder the development of the revolutionary struggle in each

country." (Mao, Selected Works, Vol. 6, Page 332). We must seriously take this statement of Chairman

Mao, who rejected the instructions issued by the Comintern and said that maintaining an organization

based on democratic centralism means hindering the development of the struggle in every country. How

can democratic centralism be operative now, while it was not so in the past when the communist

movement had its global influence and there were established proletarian leaders like Stalin and Mao to

lead it?

Third, the draft proposal placed by the Coordinating Committee for the Unified Maoist International

Conference (CUMIC) asserted that the guiding principle of the international communist movement would

be Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism. But now, ICL's declaration does not contain the term

mainly Maoism but says Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the guiding principle. It is a correct political

decision. However, it is silent on why they deemed necessary yesterday and irrelevant today. It is not a

minor issue that someone can retain or remove on will, but an important theoretical question. It would

impart its political significance had it clarified why 'mainly Maoism' was wrong to add to our guiding

ideology. By not doing this, ICL has shown its ambiguity on this question.

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the integrated revolutionary principle of the proletariat. It is not the

arithmetic sum of three different doctrines: Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. Leninism was born on the

foundation of Marxism and became Marxism-Leninism. In the same way, Maoism was born on the

foundation of Marxism-Leninism, and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism developed. So, Marxism, Leninism,

and Maoism are not separate theories; they are inseparably interconnected, and the latter stands upon the

base of the former. It is what is meant by saying no party or person can be a Marxist without being a

Maoist in today's era. The terminology 'mainly Maoism' separates Maoism from Marxism and Marxism-

Leninism, so it is wrong. Although the declaration did not give any reason why ICL stopped saying

'mainly Maoism', its decision to adopt Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the guiding principle is correct. In

today's situation, the theoretical foundation of unity of the international communist movement is

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, nothing else.

Fourth, another question of debate raised by ICL in the declaration is that of people's war. The way the

ICL uses the terminology people's war in its declaration is ambiguous. During the new democratic

revolution in China, the form of violence developed and applied by Mao was a protracted people's war,

not merely a people's war. Some communist parties, including ICL, use the term people's war. But no one

has yet explained and clarified whether it is the protracted people's war defined by Mao or its different or

developed form that corresponds to the present context. The ICL declaration writes, "People’s War is a

war of masses led by the Communist Party to conquer and defend the New Power for the proletariat."

This statement implies that all forms of violence that are applied in revolution are people's wars. Here lies

ICL's serious theoretical problem regarding the nature of violence. It is necessary to be clear whether the

People's War is a protracted people's war as defined and applied by Chairman Mao or different from it,

and if it is different, how it is so. If we are not clear on this, we will not wage revolutionary war but will

be infinitely groping in the dark in pursuit of finding the correct path of revolutionary violence.

The lesson we have learned from Mao is that the protracted people's war goes through three strategic

stages: namely defensive, equilibrium, and offensive. In these three stages, the guerilla war, mobile war,

and positional war, respectively play principal roles. Moreover, the base area is the backbone of the

protracted people's war. In capitalist countries, the development of science and technology and the

information, communication, and transportation networks they have laid have made it impossible to

establish the base areas. Then what kind of people's war will it be without base areas? It needs to be

identified. Even in the semi/neo-colonial countries oppressed by imperialism, the protracted people's war

cannot now be applied as it was done during the Chinese revolution. In this situation, the models of

revolutionary violence in developed capitalist countries, where the centre of class struggle is the cities,

and in oppressed countries, where the centre of revolution is the countryside, should both be developed

relative to new objective conditions. It is necessary to correctly identify to what extent the two models of

violence applied in the past revolutions ‒ protracted people's war and armed people's insurrection ‒

resemble or differ from the terminology people's war that the international communist movement,

including ICL, is using now. The word people's war is lovely to hear, but if we are not clear about how it

is applied in the field of revolution, the communist movement will not advance but will continue groping

in the dark.

In the past few years, there have been spontaneous rebellions in many countries of the world. In the

absence of revolutionary party leadership in those countries, all those rebellions have disappeared as the

high waves of the sea do. We all witnessed the spontaneous uprising of the people of Sri Lanka last year.

The Sri Lankan military and armed police remained mute spectators. It was inevitable for the spontaneous

public outcry to subside, and in due course that did. Let us imagine, had there been a genuine

revolutionary communist party and even a small but committed army under its leadership, what would

have happened in Sri Lanka at that time? When we talk of using force in the revolution, we must pay

attention to such events. Besides, when we speak of developing the military line, we should seriously

consider the development of science and technology. The crux of what Lenin meant when he said, "the

concrete analysis of concrete conditions' is the essence of Marxism" and 'Marxism is not a dogma but a

guide to action', remains here. We believe that none of the two models of the successful revolutionary

violence of the past can be applied without timely modification that corresponds to the changing objective

reality.

Fifth, the ICL declaration reads, "With the ongoing people's war in India, Peru, Turkey and the

Philippines, and preparations for it in many other countries, a new great wave of world proletarian

revolution has arisen in the world." In our party's opinion, it is a subjective analysis; it does not

correspond to the present reality of the world communist movement. This analysis is nothing except a

mechanical replication of Chairman Mao's 1962 statement, which said, "The next 50 to 100 years or so, as

of today, will be a great epoch of radical change of the social system in the world." This interpretation

was objective and correct when the Socialist Revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in

China had spread a revolutionary message around the world, and imperialism was weak. But in the

present condition, when the Communist Party is nowhere in power after 1976, and the international

communist movement is dispersed, the ICL position is subjective. We disagree with this.

Six, the correct analysis of the fundamental and principal contradictions of the world is one of the

essential conditions for the development and success of the proletarian revolution. ICL declaration has

defined that the contradiction between capitalism and socialism, the contradiction between labour and

capital, the inter-imperialist contradiction, and the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed

nations and the people are the fundamental contradictions of the world today. In addition, it has identified

the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nations and people of the world as the principal

contradiction. Our party believes that the ideological contradiction between capitalism and socialism will

remain so long as there are classes in society. Nevertheless, to consider it as a fundamental contradiction

in the present condition when no single socialist country exists in the world does not confirm the

objective reality. It is one of the contradictions of the world, but not the fundamental one at present. As

far as other contradictions are concerned, they are correct.

However, there is a problem with the declaration on comprehending the relationship between the

imperialist powers and the present international balance of power. There exists always a state of

contention and collusion among the imperialist powers, in which the former is absolute, and the latter is

relative. Imperialist powers collude with other forces to form temporary alliances and blocs to undermine

their rivals. They confront each other to establish their monopoly and capture the natural resources and

markets. In the present world, Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea have formed a bloc against another

bloc, the US-led NATO. Right in this context, the ICL declaration reads, "The imperialist dispute is

absolute, and the collusion is relative. This determines the circumstantial and temporary character of the

imperialist alliances; this is why one cannot speak about “imperialist blocks;” this is revisionism. Thus,

the European Union is not a block, or an “European imperialism,” but an alliance of countries of Europe,

under hegemony of Germany.” According to them, the concept of the circumstantial alliance between the

imperialist powers is Marxist, the bloc is revisionist, and the European Union is not imperialism. What

kind of Marxism is this? Our party does not agree with this kind of metaphysical argument.

Again, the declaration reads, "On the side of the imperialist powers, Yankee imperialism is the sole

hegemonic superpower. Russia is still an atomic superpower and there is a handful of second-tier

imperialist powers." This interpretation implies that the US is the only enemy of the world proletarian

revolution because it is the sole hegemonic superpower, and all others are not so because they are second-

tier imperialists. Right here, the declaration does not write a single word about the Russian invasion of

Ukraine and the war that is going on between the US-led NATO and Russia in Ukrainian Land. Why is

ICL indecisive on such a formidable international issue with worldwide political and economic

implications? We think it is a serious question.

As a result of the unequal development of capitalism, the imperialist country that is weak today can

become powerful tomorrow and vice versa. No imperialist power is number one forever, including the

US. At present, the development of China is pushing the US behind in many respects. And another

country may emerge as a superpower tomorrow. In this way, ICL's analysis of the current balance of

power between the imperialist superpowers and their level of confrontation does not correspond to the

existing objective reality. It is a metaphysical understanding.

Seven, there is no unity among the Maoist forces in understanding Comrade Gonzalo and his valuable

contributions to the international communist movement. Gonzalo's contribution is vital in defining

Maoism, applying it in the specific conditions of Peru, and establishing it in the international communist

movement. There is no doubt that his firm conviction in MLM, and relentless struggle and sacrifice for

the emancipation of the world proletariat are exemplary and unique. He has exhibited a great ideal of

being a revolutionary communist. The communist movement should highly admire him. Notwithstanding

this, we do not think it is a mature decision to address him as Chairman Gonzalo and synthesize his

contributions as Gonzalo Thought.

Eight, the issue of evaluating the Comintern and Stalin has been controversial in the international

communist movement. Our party considers Stalin a true successor of Lenin, a builder of socialism in

Russia, the hero of the Second World War, and a great leader of the world proletariat. Our party believes

that the decision taken by the Seventh Congress of the Comintern under Stalin's leadership to defeat

fascism and protect the proletarian power in the Soviet Union was correct. In this regard, our party agrees

with ICL. Our party believes that although he was a great revolutionary, he made some metaphysical

mistakes. We think the evaluation of Stalin made by Mao is correct.

Nine, there are differences in the contemporary communist movement as regards the evaluation of RIM.

After the counter-revolution in China, and particularly after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the

establishment of the Committee of RIM (CoRIM) was a revolutionary step of far-reaching significance. It

was a befitting reply to the apologists of imperialism when they had attacked the communist movement

from all angles, saying Marxism has failed, socialism has been defeated, and capitalism has been proved

to be the only viable option. The RIM Manifesto prepared by the Second International Conference held in

1984 and the document Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism adopted by the Second Extended Meeting

of CoRIM held in 1993 had become the correct ideological and political guidance to the world communist

movement at that time. In our party's opinion, the role played by the RIM at that time was vital in sharing

the experiences of people's wars in Peru, Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Turkey, and other countries and in

building communist parties in several others. Also, RIM was established as a trustworthy Marxist-

Leninist-Maoist international centre of the world proletariat among the revolutionary communists the

world over.

However, given the sectarian and authoritarian trend of RCP, USA, and the unhealthy competition that

had developed among the chief leaders of the prominent parties in RIM, the role of the CoRIM weakened

in the later period. The class and national capitulation of Prachanda and the post-Marxist deviation of Bob

Avakian resulted in the undeclared dissolution of CoRIM in 2008. Although it could not last long, we

should highly evaluate the revolutionary role the CoRIM had played in most parts of its existence. Now,

we are on a mission of constituting an international organization of the proletariat; the experiences the

world proletariat has accumulated in the past are valuable to guide the upcoming tasks. The initiative to

build an international communist centre should be based on the synthesis of the overall experiences of the

first, second, and third internationals, including the RIM.

Finally,

We placed above our party's critical comments on the formation of ICL and the major ideological and

political positions adopted by it. We believe the pursuit of forming ICL is admirable, and an international

centre of the Maoist parties is a must in the present world situation. Nevertheless, the process of its

formation, the organizational method and principle it has adopted, the ideological and political positions

of the declaration, and the path of revolution it has pursued do not correctly grasp the Marxist-Leninist-

Maoist principles. There are problems with militarist thinking in the document adopted by ICL. Instead of

understanding the organization as a unity of opposites, the sectarian and monolithic thinking that

entertains the unity of like-minded parties seems to prevail in the ICL. The opinion of our party is that the

ideological and political line expressed in this manifesto cannot unite the dispersed MLM parties and

thereby face the current challenges imposed by imperialism. Instead, it has split the movement and made

it weaker.

The international unity of the revolutionaries is the imperative need of the moment. At present, the

communist parties are not only internationally scattered but also, are not ideologically and politically

strong and unified as well. An organization based on democratic centralism in such a shaky situation

cannot bring desired results. It is the time to build a solid ideological and political base that enables

scattered Maoist forces to confront the impending challenges. The healthy and sharp two-line struggle

that helps develop ideological and political unity can materialize this task. It makes us go along the spiral

path to achieve a higher level of unity through unity-struggle-transformation, not through a circular one of

unity-struggle-unity. During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, Mao emphasized that the

target of the two-line struggle should be revolutionary transformation. It is the imperative need of the

present day to grasp and apply it scientifically.

ICL declaration says that all fundamental contradictions, including the world's principal contradiction, are

intensifying. This is a correct analysis. Now, the imperialist superpowers do not seem prepared for a

world war, but the danger of the inter-imperialist conflict turning into a Third World War still exists.

Mao's synthesis that either the world war would give rise to a proletarian revolution, or the proletarian

revolution would prevent the world war, therefore, revolution is the main trend at present is relevant even

today. But an important weapon to turn this basic trend into reality is the united intervention of

revolutionary communists scattered around the world based on MLM.

Many important revolutionary communist parties have remained outside even after the formation of ICL.

They have presented their disagreements with ICL in their political documents. In the given situation, the

ideological and political line adopted by ICL is short of making the genuine Maoist Parties rally under its

red flag. To realize the international unity of the genuine Communists, it is necessary to take the initiative

from a newer height. It is our firm opinion that every genuine Maoist Party should play its creative role in

building a new international coordination centre among those parties united in ICL and outside of it. It is

the need of the day. We are ready to play a required role in this regard. Prejudice does not help us unite.

Working without prejudice can the scattered Maoist parties be united at the international level. And by so

doing the ideological, political, and organizational basis to build a communist international centre based

on democratic centralism is prepared for tomorrow. In the present context, it is the appropriate way to

bring together the entire scattered revolutionary communists in one international centre.

Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

Down With Imperialism and All Sorts of Reactions!

Down With All Sorts of Revisionism!

Long Live the World Socialist Revolution!

‹STOP THE THIEF!› - Central Committee Communist Party of Switzerland

 Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!

‹STOP THE THIEF!›

REPLY TO A RECENT ACCUSATION OF ‹NATIONALISM› AND ‹RIGHT-WING LIQUIDATIONISM› BY THE NORWEGIAN DOGMATO-REVISIONISTS

Central Committee
Communist Party of Switzerland

June 2026

As far as we are concerned, I hold that it is bad if a person, a political party, an army, or a school is not attacked by the enemy, since that would definitely mean that we have sunk to the level of the enemy. It is good if we are attacked by the enemy, since it proves that we have drawn a clear line of demarcation between the enemy and ourselves. It is even better if the enemy attacks us wildly, paints us completely black, and portray us as being without a single virtue, since that demonstrates that we have not only drawn a clear line of demarcation between the enemy and ourselves, but also achieved a great deal in our work.

— Mao Zedong: To Be Attacked by the Enemy Is Not a Bad Thing, But Rather a Good Thing (26^th of May, 1939)

The Norwegian dogmato-revisionist sect hiding behind the name of the erstwhile Marxist-Leninist-Maoist organization Serve the People has decided to be the first member of its little transnational clique to publicly throw itself against the Communist Party of Switzerland.

This is just another case of the dogmato-revisionist ringleaders — namely, ‹Geronimo›, the leader of the Communist Party of Brazil, and ‹Constantine›, the leader of the Committee Red Flag in Germany — hiding behind their puppet sects in other countries and relying on them to do their dirty work. In applying this tactic, the dogmato-revisionists mirror the Soviet revisionists of old, who launched their attack on the Communist Party of China through their lackeys and puppets in the French, Italian, and other revisionist communist parties, after a long period of talking behind the backs of the Chinese comrades and spreading circulars full of fake rumours and allegations to everyone in the international communist movement but the actual subjects of those circulars, as the dogmato-revisionists have done in relation to us for almost six years at this point.

In the recently released preface to a rag originally written in 2023 in indirect and underhanded response to a Swiss polemic against the German dogmato-revisionists concerning the national question, the Norwegian dogmato-revisionists write:

Nationalism in the Norwegian labour movement has developed in symbiosis with other forms of right-wing opportunism. Nationalism has also affected the Communist League — Serve the People, which we ourselves grew out of. Hence, the struggle against nationalism is both historically important and very relevant. It is only made more relevant by the increasingly aggressive nationalism of the Red Party, Pål Steigan’s nationalism, new social-chauvinist groups in Sweden, and the nationalist deviations of the right-wing liquidators in Germany and Switzerland. [Our emphasis.] [1]

In synthesis, our Party is being accused of ‹nationalist deviations›, on the one hand, and of ‹right-wing liquidationism›, on the other hand.

Let us begin by addressing the accusation of ‹right-wing liquidationism›.

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› making up the Red Star Collective who liquidated their organization, or was it the Committee Red Flag?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› who fought tooth and nail against the Swiss Marxist-Leninist-Maoists identifying, reclaiming, and further developing the red line in the history of the Swiss communist movement, as represented among others by the founders of our Party — namely, Comrades Leonie Kascher and Jakob Herzog — or was it the Committee Red Flag?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› who restored the Red Star Collective and reclaimed the road of the reconstitution of the Communist Party of Switzerland, or was it the Committee Red Flag?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› who refounded the Communist Party of Switzerland in a symbolic show of determination and resolve to carry the process of reconstitution through to the end, or was it the Committee Red Flag?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› who objectively colluded with opportunists in the Swiss revolutionary movement and with the reactionary Swiss police to force the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists underground, where they continued carrying out revolutionary mass work under difficult conditions, or was it the Committee Red Flag?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› who denounced the Red Flag website to the US imperialist ‹authorities›, in order to get it taken down on multiple occasions, or was it the Committee Red Flag?

It should also be asked:

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Germany who liquidated their own Youth Resistance organization, or was it the Committee Red Flag that aided the German police in doing so by publishing crucial information about the internal workings of that organization on the Internet?

Let us not stop there.

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who liquidated the unity of the Communist Party of Turkey / Marxist-Leninist and split that Party into two opposing factions, or was it the dogmato-revisionists in the ‹International Communist League› who have usurped that name?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who liquidated their bonds of unity with the Maoist Communist Party of Turkey and North Kurdistan following the usurpation of its leadership by revisionists in 2013, having absolutely no faith in the determination and strength of the Anatolian communists, and who even tried to isolate a communist party of such prestige from the rest of the international communist movement after its reconstitution in 2022, simply because it maintained relations with those evil Swiss liquidators — or was it the dogmato-revisionists of the ‹International Communist League›?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who liquidated the unity of the Communist League of Sweden by usurping its leadership and splitting it into two opposing factions, or was it a group of former members of the Red Sun group who had affiliated themselves with the ‹International Communist League›, infiltrated the Communist League of Sweden, and groomed a handful of politically immature teenagers for the explicit purpose of usurping that organization?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who liquidated the ‹Committee to Reconstitute the Communist Party of the United States of America›, or did it collapse under the mounting pressure of its members in the face of the literal blows of the darling of the ‹International Communist League› ‹Comrade Dallas› pistol-whipping them into submission?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who interfered in the internal affairs of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Canada, thus providing the liquidators on both sides of the split in that Party with every possible opportunity to halt the process of reconstitution of the communist party in that country, or was it the dogmato-revisionists of the ‹International Communist League› in the United States, Germany, and elsewhere?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who usurped and liquidated the Red Wave group in Denmark and turned it into a cocoon for hatching the ‹Committee Red Star› as a carbon copy of the Committee Red Flag, while trying to derail the actual ongoing effort to reconstitute the Communist Party of Denmark by the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of the Communist Youth League, or was it the dogmato-revisionists of the Committee Red Flag, a leading member organization of the ‹International Communist League›?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who repeatedly split apart the Maoist Communist Party of France and the people’s organizations created by it, and thus dragged the legacy of Comrade Pierre’s decades-long struggle for the reconstitution of the Party through the mud, or was it the dogmato-revisionists of the ‹International Communist League›?

Was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who liquidated the relative basis of unity of the international communist movement, which had been achieved through decades of struggle both inside and outside of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement on the initiative of the Communist Party of Peru, and split the international communist movement by forming a separate organization on a sectarian basis of unity, or was it the dogmato-revisionists of the ‹International Communist League›?

Indeed, was it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland scheming in the womb before they had even been born who sabotaged the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in objective collusion with Avakian and Prachanda by converting anagonistic contradictions into antagonistic ones, among other things by practically expelling Comrade Gonzalo’s faction of the Communist Party of Peru from the Movement, thus falling right into the trap laid for them by the US and Peruvian intelligence services, or was it the dogmato-revisionists of the Peruvian People’s Movement, who have mutated and grown into the ‹International Communist League› of today?

Finally, is it the ‹right-wing liquidators› in Switzerland who are even now scheming to influence, infiltrate, usurp, split, isolate, and destroy the Communist Party of the Philippines and the Communist Party of India (Maoist), especially the latter, by interfering in their internal affairs whenever they face difficulties, just as was done to the Communist Party of Peru in the past, or is it the dogmato-revisionists of the ‹International Communist League› who are doing so?

We could go on, but there is no need to do so.

As for the accusation of ‹nationalist deviations›, we simply want to ask:

Is it ‹nationalism› for a communist party to practice independence, autonomy, and self-reliance, as the ‹Swiss nationalists› do?

Would it be better to dance to the tune of another communist party, to accept its ‹aid›, and to request directives from it before taking any action, as you ‹proletarian internationalists› do?

Is it ‹nationalism› for a communist party to refuse to submit to the national organization of another country, as the ‹Swiss nationalists› refuse to do?

Would it be better to liquidate one’s own organizational structure into the extraterritorial structure of a foreign organization acting like the old Bund or a Trotskijite organization, as we indeed did in the past under the influence of the dogmato-revisionist line, and as you ‹proletarian internationalists› do today?

Is it ‹nationalism› for a communist party to refuse to be a part of a revisionist current, just because that current is ‹international› in scope, as the ‹Swiss nationalists› refuse to do?

Would it be better to try to ingratiate oneself with the ‹international movement› for the sake of achieving an unprincipled unity above all else, as we indeed briefly tried to do in the past under the influence of the dogmato-revisionist line, and as you ‹proletarian internationalists› do today?

Is it ‹nationalism› for a communist party in a minor imperialist country to defend the people of that country against the imperialist superpowers, while simultaneously defending all oppressed countries from the imperialism of that country?

Would it be better to call the opposition to a prospective Russian annexation of Svalbard or a prospective US annexation of Greenland ‹social-chauvinist› without a drop of nuance, as if the world had not long ago differentiated itself into three different parts, as you ‹proletarian internationalists› do?

Is it ‹nationalism› for a communist party to not scream at the top of its lungs about the ‹death› of the nationalities to which its members belong — ‹Germany must die›, ‹Germany, never again›, and so on, to the point of getting sick from the phrase-mongering alone — as if the party adhered to some kind of Anti-German hysteria or the revisionism of Gotfred Appel?

Would it be better to pretend that there is no proletariat outside of the migrant strata in the imperialist countries, as if one were a member of the ‹Maoist Internationalist Movement› or the Communist Working Group, as you ‹proletarian internationalists› objectively do?

In synthesis, these accusations of ‹nationalism› and ‹right-wing liquidationism› have one and only one purpose — namely, to cover up the crimes and deviations of the dogmato-revisionists themselves, like a thief shouting: ‹Stop the thief!›

These are the same old opportunist tricks that the revisionists and opportunists have always used.

Mihail Bakunin accused Marx of wanting to be a ‹dictator›, even though Bakunin was the one who was planning to set up a secret committee exercising dictatorship over the working class after his ‹revolution›.

Karl Kautsky repeated the same accusation against Lenin, even though Kautsky’s former party comrades were the ones who drowned the German revolution in blood, while he himself stood by inactively and let them exercise their bourgeois dictatorship unopposed.

Leon Trotskij accused both Lenin and Stalin of ‹bureaucratism›, even though Trotskij was the one who wanted to turn the trade-union bureaucrats into military dictators over the proletariat.

Nikita Hrusev repeated the same accusation against both Stalin and Mao, while also accusing the latter of being a ‹nationalist› and a ‹militarist›, even though it was Hrusev who rigged up the infamous Soviet Nomenklatura system, imposed greater Russian nationalism on the Union of Socialist Council Republics, and converted the Council Union into a military superpower that was socialist in name, but imperialist in deeds.

Enver Hoxha repeated the same accusations against Mao, even though it was Hoxha who preached that ‹the religion of the Albanian nation is Albanianism› and other nationalist nonsense, while his successor also accused Gonzalo of being a ‹terrorist›, even though the Hoxha-Alia regime exercised a reign of terror over the Albanian people.

Indeed, the specific accusation of ‹nationalism› has been levelled against Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and Gonzalo alike by revisionists, opportunists, and renegades of all stripes for centuries. The dogmato-revisionists are no different.

Here, we are by no means trying to imply that we are on the same level as the classics of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; rather, what we mean is that our dogmato-revisionist friends have sunk to the level — but certainly not the stature — of people like Bakunin, Kautsky, Trotskij, Hrusev, and Hoxha.

For such revisionists, opportunists, and renegades, it is truly the case that ‹every accusation is a confession›.

We communists have gone through far too many positive and negative experiences with such opportunist tactics to ever fall for them again.

The Communist Party of Switzerland stands firm and defiant in the face of such baseless accusations.

We have fundamentally completed our campaign to rectify dogmato-revisionism and study Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and come out of it stronger than ever ideologically.

We are advancing in creatively integrating Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism and the contributions of such prominent leaders of the international communist movement as Comrade Gonzalo and others to the inevitable fourth stage of development of the ideology of the international proletariat with the concrete conditions of the eco-socialist revolution in Switzerland in the era of globalized monopoly capitalism by identifying, reclaiming, and further developing the elements of the guiding thought of the Swiss revolution specified by Marx, Engels, and Lenin internationally and by Johann Philipp Becker, Leonie Kascher, Jakob Herzog, Lorenz Teuscher, Hans Bruggmann, and others nationally.

Our practical work has been striking roots in the underground and is about to slowly yet surely blossom through the cracks of the asphalt into the sunlight.

Thus, we are pushing forward the protracted process of reconstitution of our Party in all spheres in preparation for ultimately making the revolution in our country under the guidance of the military doctrine of the proletariat as a component part and in the service of the proletarian world revolution.

Neither the Committee Red Flag nor the Swiss police was able to prevent us from continuing marching forward along this road, and the words of an increasingly politically irrelevant Norwegian sect will certainly not be able to make a single dint in our morale and resolve. Moreover, our friends in the ‹International Communist League› should be fully aware that they had better limit their attacks on us to words alone; any attempt to once again take this dispute beyond words and make good on their threats about ‹military consequences› will be met with a resolute response.

In a few decades, we will either be in power or in prison, either way having contributed decisive positive and negative experience to the memory of the international proletariat, while you will still be scribbling on the Internet in pure isolation from the events of the world around you, like all other dogmato-revisionists today, from the adherents of Enver Hoxha to those of Amadeo Bordiga, Karl Kautsky, and other historical footnotes.

Meanwhile, the international communist movement is slowly yet surely advancing in its process of reunification in the International Communist Forum proposed by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) as a step in the right direction of the reconstitution of the Communist International — a process of reunification that is taking place on the already existing relative basis of unity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the revolutionary principles established by the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. This will only be the prelude to even higher levels of unity, which you tried to reach in your impetuous leap, only to fall short — into the abyss of isolation from the real communists of the world, from Anatolia and Afghanistan through India and Burma to the Philippines and Peru and beyond. We are infinitely proud of standing shoulder to shoulder with these real communist comrades all over the world and of having so firmly burned all bridges with your so-called ‹internationalism›.

In the words of the great Chinese poet Lu Xun:

With fate shrouded by the stars, what more can I seek?
Before I dare to turn over, I have already bumped my head.

A tattered hat shading my face, I pass through bustling streets;
A leaking boat carrying wine, I float midstream.

Fierce-browed, I coolly defy a thousand pointing fingers;
Head-bowed, like a willing ox I serve the children.

Hiding in my small attic, I establish my own rule;
Regardless of winter, summer, spring, or autumn. [2]

We have spoken. Let the traitors say what they want — their words cannot drown out the coming storm.

---

[1] Source: Editorial Board of Serve the People Media: Preface to Marxism and Social-Chauvinism (7^th of June, 2026)

[2] Lu Xun: In Mockery of Myself (1932)

 

 

Let us celebrate the 25th anniversary of the PLGA – CPI (Maoist)

Let us celebrate the 25th anniversary of the PLGA from 2 December to 8 December 2025 across the country with revolutionary enthusiasm!

Let us protect the Party! Let us protect the PLGA! Let us protect the mass organisations! Let us protect the revolutionary movement. All this is necessary in the face of the revolutionary and defensive Kagar war.

Let us intensify the class struggle against the alliance of imperialist, comprador and bureaucratic capitalist and landlord classes! Let us intensify the struggle against the Brahminical Hindutva fascist RSS-BJP governments at the Centre and in the states!

On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the PLGA, the Central Military Commission (CMC) and CPI (Maoist) send this message to the entire Party, to the PLGA, to the people’s structures and to the oppressed people.

Central Military Commission
CC, CPI (Maoist)

---

Let us celebrate the 25th anniversary of the PLGA from 2 December to 8 December 2025 across the country with revolutionary enthusiasm!

Dear comrades and people,

The People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), which is carrying forward the people’s war for the victory of the New Democratic Revolution in the country, completes twenty-five years on December 2. On this occasion, the Central Military Commission (CMC) calls upon all Party committees, all Party ranks, all PLGA commands, all units, all mass organisations and the revolutionary people to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the PLGA from 2 December to 8 Decemberacross the country. It must be done in the forests, in the plains and in the urban areas. It must be done with revolutionary fervour. It must be done with firm resolve.

The CMC gives the following call to the entire revolutionary camp.

Let us protect the Party. Let us protect the PLGA. Let us protect the mass organisations. Let us protect the revolutionary movement. All this is necessary in the face of Kagar’s revolutionary and defensive war. Let us intensify the class struggle against the alliance of imperialist, comprador, autocratic capitalist and landlord classes. Let us intensify the struggle against the Brahminical Hindutva fascist RSS BJP governments at the Centre and in the states.

On the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the PLGA, the CMC placed these tasks before the entire Party, the PLGA, the people’s organisations, and the revolutionary people. During the past year, all Party committees have worked with enthusiasm. They have worked with determination, courage and discipline. The CMC conveys revolutionary greetings to all Party ranks, to all the PLGA commands and commanders, to all fighters, to all leaders of the mass organisations, to all activists, to all members of the people’s militia and to all revolutionary people.

The CMC conveys revolutionary greetings to all comrades who have participated in political, military, organisational, cultural, and tactical efforts over the past year. They have done this while facing the revolutionary and defensive war against the Operation Kagar on their own strength. The CMC also expresses confidence that the comrades who were injured in guerrilla warfare in the various revolutionary regions of the country have recovered quickly with courage. It believes that they have again taken their place and have fulfilled their responsibilities in the guerrilla war.

Over the past year, our comrades confronted the Kagar war single-handedly and resisted it with unwavering determination. Many brave guerrillas became martyrs in these battles. Many lost their lives in encirclement and annihilation operations. Numerous comrades sacrificed their lives in encounters with the enemy. Many were killed in fake encounters. Others attained martyrdom during offensive actions against the enemy. Some lost their lives due to betrayals. A few comrades died in accidents, while others passed away due to ill health. The Central Military Commission (CMC) bows its head and offers humble revolutionary homage to all these martyrs.
From January 2024 onwards, the Kagar war became increasingly severe each day. Our comrades did not fear it. They stood against the enemy. They did not retreat. They fought to the last breath. The martyrs showed unparalleled courage. They showed defiance that never surrendered to the enemy. They exhibited a style of struggle that did not fear death. They showed perseverance that never tired. They proved their commitment and dedication to the people. They demonstrated unshakable faith in revolutionary victory. They are a great role model for us. They are an eternal example. We shall uphold their ideals. We shall take their heroic resistance and their deeds to the world. We shall praise their principles. We shall follow their footsteps. We shall pledge to fight steadfastly to our last breath for the fulfilment of their ideals.

In the past eleven months, from December 2024 to November 2025, 320 comrades became martyrs across the country in the course of resisting the Kagar war. Of them, 183 were male comrades. One hundred seventeen were female comrades. The identity of 20 persons is yet to be known.

Twenty-two comrades became martyrs in Bihar and Jharkhand. One in Assam. Two hundred and forty-three in Dandakaranya. Thirty-three in Odisha. Seven in MMC. Eight in Telangana. Six in AOB. Among them was our Party’s General Secretary, Comrade Basavaraju (BR).

The martyrs included eight members of the Central Committee and fifteen from various State Committees. Twenty-five were District Committee members, and seventy-three were from Area Committees. One hundred and sixteen were Party members. Thirteen belonged to the PLGA. Thirty-three were cadres and activists of various mass organisations. Several revolutionary masses also laid down their lives. In addition, thirty-seven persons whose organisational status could not be conclusively established were killed.

Many revolutionary, progressive and democratic leaders and activists of mass organisations became martyrs across the country during people’s struggles. Some intellectuals, revolutionaries, sympathisers and friends also passed away. In the Philippines, some members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of that country, some commanders and members of the New People’s Army and some leaders and activists of the National Democratic Front became martyrs. In America, seventy-five thousand Palestinians and fighters were killed in the genocidal war carried out by Israel with the support of the United States government during the past two years in Gaza. The CMC offers revolutionary homage to all these martyrs.

During the Kagar war, we lost Comrade Basavaraju, our Party’s General Secretary. We lost eight Central Committee members,and fifteen State Committee members. We lost 320 comrades in total. The movement has suffered severe losses. In this situation, some, like Sonu and Satish, surrendered. They handed over weapons to the enemy and fled. They caused immense damage to the movement. We are celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the PLGA in this background.

At such a time, it is the task of our Party and our PLGA to answer the questions that arise in the revolutionary camp regarding the future of the movement. It is our task to remove fear and anxiety. It is our task to instil courage and build self-confidence. It is our task to lead the entire revolutionary camp forward with firm resolve and with unparalleled courage. As part of this overall task, we celebrate the PLGA’s anniversary.

To fulfil this task, we must identify the causes of the severe losses now occurring in the movement. We must correct them. We must identify the objective conditions. We must examine the subjective conditions. We must identify the factors that favour the movement’s advancement. Based on these factors, we must revitalise the Party. We must consolidate the PLGA and the mass organisations.

From the beginning of the Kagar war, our Party, our PLGA forces and the local secret people’s organisations suffered heavy losses. They are still suffering. The basic reason is this. Our organisations and forces did not follow the necessary methods of secret work. They did not implement the rules of guerrilla warfare. They did not correctly implement the political tactics instructed by the Central Committee.

According to the tactics formed by the Central Committee and the Politburo, our forces must not confine themselves to smaller areas. They must work in wider areas. They must not remain centralised. They must change to decentralised formations. They must move in small formations. They must coordinate legal and illegal, open and secret forms of struggle and organisation. They should lead the class struggle in this coordinated manner. They have to mobilise workers, peasants, the middle classes, the petty bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie, oppressed social sections and oppressed nationalities in the towns, plains and forest regions. They must integrate these sections into the revolutionary movement.
We did not follow these tactics properly. As a result, the Party, the PLGA forces, and the leadership suffered heavy losses. They are still suffering. The Party and the PLGA forces suffered severe losses because we did not withdraw some troops from Dandakaranya, the main centre of the Kagar war, to other regions.
Let us identify the mistakes that occurred in our practice over the past 22 months. Let us correct them. Let us correctly implement the strategies formulated by the Central Committee and the Politburo. In this way, let us protect the Party, the PLGA and the mass organisations. Let us protect the revolutionary movement.

The central and state governments have inflicted serious losses on the revolutionary movement in the Kagar war. Even then, the PLGA forces and the revolutionary people under the leadership of our Party are fighting defensive battles. They are resisting. In this resistance, the enemy’s armed forces are also suffering significant losses. The enemy is not declaring these losses because it would increase the morale of the revolutionary camp. It is part of psychological warfare. The revolutionary camp must not come under the influence of this psychological war.

During the past year, in Dandakaranya, in Bihar and Jharkhand, in East Bihar and North East Jharkhand, in Odisha, and in MMC, the central and state armed forces and various commando forces suffered losses. One hundred and sixteen police personnel were killed. Two hundred and eight were injured. Some secret agents, some police informers and some political enemies belonging to the BJP were eliminated by PLGA forces. PLGA forces burned down some government offices and some mobile towers in road communication areas.

Across the country, the PLGA forces resisted the police, the paramilitary forces, the central armed police forces, commando units and Indian military units in seventy-two encirclement and annihilation operations and encounters.

In the past year, to defeat the Kagar war, our PLGA forces mainly used improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and hit the enemy’s targets. Valinatly resisted the encirclements and encounters. Conducted ambushes and eliminated police informers. Some leaders of the BJP who were enemies of the people were eliminated, and spike holes were set up as traps. These were some of the methods used to carry out the guerrilla war.

The extent and intensity of the guerrilla actions have decreased. As a result, actions aimed at eliminating or injuring police officers have decreased. PLGA could seize only five weapons from the enemy. On the other hand, due to the Kagar war, our PLGA forces and the mass organisations suffered severe losses. The revolutionary movement across the country was hit hard as a consequence.

Although the revolutionary movement in the country has suffered severe losses, the Party, which still exists countrywide, continues political work among the people in various forms. It continues to disseminate revolutionary political propaganda to the masses, mobilising the people and advancing struggles against imperialism, comprador-bureaucratic capitalism (CBB), landlordism, corporatisation, and militarisation. It is organising the people into various forms of mass movements and, relying on the people and the people’s militia, the Party and the PLGA continue the protracted, decentralised, self-defensive guerrilla war.

Even though, in the name of Kagar (the final war), the central and state governments have mobilised 8,50,000 police, central armed police forces, commando forces, the Indian Army, and the Air Force into the revolutionary areas- conducting widespread operations- these operations have been bravely resisted and repelled. Ambushes have been countered with courage and firmness. In Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Telangana, and Jharkhand, more than 50,000 personnel from all types of armed forces- central armed forces, commando units, the Indian Army, and the Air Force- have been mobilised. Along with this, American and Israeli military officers and technicians have been involved in joint exercises to defeat the revolutionary movement.

Even though, for the last three years, the central and state governments have been carrying out concentrated operations in the West Singhbhum district of Jharkhand, these attacks have been resisted, and significant losses have been inflicted on the enemy armed forces. These are our positive aspects. Consolidating these positive aspects, let us overcome temporary setbacks and advance the revolutionary movement.

To defend the Party, the PLGA, the mass organisations, and the revolutionary movement in the course of the revolutionary counter-offensive “Kagar” war, we must make every effort to carry out the following political, organisational, and military tasks:

1. Priority must be given to protecting leadership forces, and losses must be avoided.
   During the past year, 320 comrades belonging to the Party, the PLGA, and mass organisations across the country became martyrs. After 53 years, the loss of Comrade Basavaraju, our Party’s General Secretary, following the martyrdom of one of the Party’s founding leaders, Comrade Charu Mazumdar, is a grievous blow to our Party and the revolutionary movement.

In this one year, eight members of the Central Committee and fifteen members of various State Committees have been martyred. Our central and state committees have suffered severe losses. These losses will affect the revolutionary movement for a long period.

Along with these leadership losses, a large number of leaders and cadres of the Party, the PLGA forces, mass-organisation leaders and activists, and revolutionary people have been martyred. Consequently, the Party, the PLGA, the mass organisations, and the revolutionary movement have suffered severe damage.

In this situation, by correctly implementing and adhering to the political and military directives formulated by the Central Committee and the Politburo, we must prevent further losses. Through preventing such losses, we shall safeguard the Party, the PLGA, the mass organisations, and the revolutionary movement and rebuild and strengthen them.

Even after 31 March 2026, the revolutionary counter-offensive war under the name Kagar (and under other related operational names)- will continue. Since the objective of Kagar is to crush the oppressed masses and to establish the “corporate Hindu country,” the RSS-BJP, their affiliate organisations, and the central and state governments functioning under their leadership continue to brand all those who oppose corporatisation, militarisation, and Hindutva as extremists and urban extremists and are carrying out fascist attacks against them.

Keeping this in view, we must protect the leadership forces. Only by waging a struggle against Brahminical Hindutva fascism in every sphere of social life – alongside all individuals, forces, organisations, institutions, and parties that oppose corporatisation, militarisation, and Hindutva- can we safeguard our leadership forces.

2. We must overcome the crisis created by the clique of the renegades, Sonu and Satish.

By becoming renegades, party-splitters, and agents of counter-revolution, Sonu and Satish’s clique surrendered to the enemy on October 14 and 16 and handed over 203 weapons belonging to the Party. As an extension of the impact of this clique, towards the end of October, 21 people in North Bastar of Dandakaranya, along with 18 weapons, surrendered to the enemy; in the first week of November, seven persons in the Odisha State Committee area- Dhanthari, Gariband, and Nawapada Division- surrendered along with six weapons. In this manner, during October and November, 299 individuals surrendered to the enemy and handed over 227 weapons.

The clique of Sonu and Satish attacked our political–military line and created a crisis within the Party by handing over a large quantity of weapons to the enemy. Across the country, honest revolutionary forces and all those forces participating in the Kagar war immediately recognised the hollowness and deceit in the arguments advanced by Sonu and Satish’s clique and identified them as renegades. However, even now, within our Party and the PLGA in some places across the country, and within a section of the revolutionary camp, confusion and ideological disturbance persist due to the arguments of Sonu and Satish. Therefore, we must expose all the fraud, deception, and duplicity in the arguments of Sonu and Satish, remove the confusion among such sections, and firmly establish our political–military line in their consciousness.

Sonu presents three principal reasons to claim that our Party’s political–military line is wrong:
(1) “We do not have a revolutionary party.”
(2) “The Central programme formulated by the 2007 Congress is an extremist deviation.”
(3) “We have rejected legal struggles.”

By putting forward the peculiar argument that “the Party consists only of full-time revolutionaries and the Party committees composed solely of such full-timers,” he denies the legitimacy of the entire structure of part-time Party members and committees existing across the country. He further distorts this by claiming that committees of full-time revolutionaries working clandestinely and in an armed capacity alone constitute the Party, and labels all of them as a form of army. He also denies that the Party structures clandestine area committees, ACM/DVC/DC members, and Party members who, without arms, remain in civil areas to conduct mass work. All these are entirely incorrect and baseless interpretations. In his view, Party committees that exist without carrying weapons, embedded among the people in villages and towns, are the only Party. According to his logic, the revolutionary Party is a part-time structure embedded among the people in villages and towns; by the same reasoning, area committees up to the Central Committee that work in an armed and clandestine manner are not the Party. These are fundamentally incorrect, right-opportunist, revisionist arguments regarding the organisation and functioning of the revolutionary Party.

The claim that the Central Programme formulated by the 2007 Congress is an extremist deviation is also a right-opportunist, revisionist argument. By 2007, after 27 years of work in Dandakaranya, that region had become a guerrilla zone; after 37 years of work in Bihar–Jharkhand, it had also become a guerrilla zone. Both regions possessed extensive and consolidated revolutionary mass bases. While these two regions and several others in the country were in the red resistance phase, some regions were in a temporary phase of retreat. In this context, following the merger of the two revolutionary Parties and the formation of a unified Party, there was tremendous enthusiasm and confidence across the country’s revolutionary camp.

Taking all of this into account, and keeping in mind the international and domestic political situation at the time, the 2007 Congress formulated the Central Programme to develop the Dandakaranya and Bihar–Jharkhand regions into liberated areas. The Congress resolved that, to develop these regions into liberated areas, the red resistance areas must be further consolidated as guerrilla zones; regions in temporary retreat must be pushed forward again; and urban work must be expanded. To fulfil these tasks, the Congress called on the entire Party to correct internal deviations and to work according to a unified method. However, despite intense efforts to rectify internal deviations, due to severe repression by central and state governments, the revolutionary movement across the country reached a defensive position by 2012. In this situation, the Central Committee decided that the plan to develop the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army into a regular army and to transform guerrilla warfare into mobile warfare could not be implemented immediately and accordingly changed the Central Programme.

Setting aside this reality and calling the central task determined by the Congress “left adventurism” amounts to insisting that, instead of waging the struggle for the seizure of state power based on the strengths and weaknesses of the movement, the revolutionary movement should be confined only to partial struggles and economic struggles. In other words, it means sacrificing the revolutionary movement to economism and reformism. It becomes a legalist position that seeks to keep the movement strictly within the bounds of legality.
The claim that “we rejected legal struggles” is also false and distortive. In 2007, at a time when North Telangana, Andhra, and AOB were in temporary retreat and the organisational strength had declined, numerous legal and open struggles were conducted. As part of this, the Telangana political movement was undertaken. In Telangana and AOB, struggles were waged to implement the Fifth Schedule and PESA in Adivasi regions. Between 2006 and 2011, in West Bengal, the Party coordinated legal and illegal struggles and led the Singur and Nandigram movements. In the same period, in AOB, the movement on land issues was conducted.

In 2008, when the central government formulated the new Forest Act, the Central Committee decided that in the regions of intense revolutionary movement, as well as newly emerging regions, the revolutionary organisations (Janatana Sarkars where they existed) should fight for the pro-people provisions of the Act and that these revolutionary people’s governments should issue land titles to Adivasi people. In 2013, the CRB released a document on the, exploitative class reforms, and the Party’s position. It decided that struggles must be waged using all forms- legal, illegal, open, and underground- depending on objective conditions, while maintaining the primacy of armed struggle. Subsequently, in Gadchiroli district, the movement for PESA and Gram Sabhas was conducted. Since 2021, across Dandakaranya, the movement for PESA and Gram Sabhas has continued.

From the time of the Party’s formation, throughout the country, the Party has consistently led legal, open people’s movements against displacement. Ignoring all these facts and selectively distorting them to argue that “we abandoned legal struggles” is a revisionist position that seeks to confine the movement to legal struggles alone.

Meanwhile, Sonu put forward two major statements: a “Temporary Cessation of Armed Struggle” and two “Appeals”- one to the people and another to the cadres. These demonstrate not merely a rejection of the Party’s revolutionary line but a rejection of armed struggle itself. He offers no alternative strategy. His perspective is essentially the line of surrender. At its core, his argument amounts to carrying out legal struggles, dissolving the underground Party, and turning the Party into an open entity.

These are, in essence, revisionist positions. Rejecting all that the Party has taught, handing over Party weapons to the enemy, and becoming an agent of counter-revolution- that is what Sonu has become. By rallying his followers, he attempted to split the Party. Satish has concurred with all of these positions. He therefore has also become a renegade, a splitter of the Party, and an agent of counter-revolution.

Therefore, the entire revolutionary camp must clearly understand the fraud and deception underlying Sonu and Satish’s arguments. The confusion within the revolutionary camp must be eliminated, clarity established, and confidence restored. There is absolutely no integrity in the arguments of Sonu and Satish; they are motivated purely by fear and the desire to justify their path of surrender. By propagating lies- claiming that the Party’s General Secretary intended to suspend armed struggle temporarily- they misled ideologically and politically weak cadres. They caused them to surrender to the enemy. Hence, their deceit must be exposed within the revolutionary camp.

3. We must intensify class struggle against imperialism, comprador bureaucratic capitalism, the alliance of feudal classes, and against the Brahmanical Hindutva-fascist RSS–BJP central and state governments.

Under the guidance of the documents formulated by our Central Committee- “Changes in the Relations of Production in India and Our Political Programme” (MOP document), “The Caste Question in India and Our Path”, and “The Nationality Question in India and Party’s Position”- we must mobilise the oppressed classes (the working class, peasantry, middle strata [petty bourgeoisie], national bourgeoisie), the oppressed social sections (women, Dalits, Adivasis, religious minorities), and the oppressed nationalities, and conduct class struggle on class issues, social struggle on social problems, and nationality struggle on nationality issues. In accordance with the uneven development prevailing in the country, the MOP document has identified the country into seven categories and formulated region-specific political programmes. Based on this political programme, we must intensify class struggle.

Since 2014, after the Brahmanical Hindutva-fascist RSS–BJP came to power at the Centre, it has further transformed into political fascism. Since then, it has been unleashing continuous attacks on all oppressed classes, oppressed social sections, and oppressed nationalities in economic, political, cultural, and all spheres of social life. As part of this, it is attempting to convert the country into a “majoritarian state” through the liquidation of minorities. By intimidating and manipulating institutions such as the Enforcement Directorate (ED), the CBI, the Election Commission, and even the judiciary, it is weaponising them for its own interests. It is carrying out relentless attacks on the people and on the opposition parties. As part of this, it is trying to create an “opposition-less India” (Vipaksh-mukt Bharat). Therefore, today, it has emerged as the country’s principal enemy and its people’s enemy.
In this situation, our party units across the country must unite all forces resisting these assaults- workers, peasants, organisations, associations, institutions, parties, including even bourgeois parties that can be taken as tactical allies- by establishing united front platforms and programmes, thereby intensifying the class struggle. Further, we must expose with solid evidence the falsehood and deception behind the propaganda blitz of the Brahmanical Hindutva-fascist RSS–BJP central and state governments, claiming that they will transform India into a “developed country (Viksit Bharat)” by 2047.

This year, in April, the Indian state conducted military operations under the name “Operation Sindhur”, projecting the terrorist attack that took place in Poonch, Jammu & Kashmir, as an act of Pakistan. Any dispute with Pakistan- or with any other country in South Asia- must be resolved based on peaceful principles, through dialogue, diplomacy, and negotiations. Instead of adhering to these principles, it resorted to military operations. It attempted to resolve the issue through war, which is incorrect. However, under instructions from the United States, it halted these operations within four days, thereby displaying its subservience. On the one hand, while showing this servility toward the U.S., it has simultaneously been instigating nationalist frenzy, war hysteria, and jingoism among the Indian people for the past seven months.

During the last eleven years of BJP rule at the Centre, it has failed to resolve any of the major problems confronting the country- poverty, unemployment, rising prices, and peasant suicides. Instead of addressing these problems, it has been continuously inflaming Hindu majoritarianism, communal frenzy, and war hysteria to misdirect and suppress the struggling masses. The BJP, Modi, and their protégé, Adani, have been arbitrarily handing over national wealth to corporate capital. To protect Adani, who has been involved in illegal business practices in the United States, they have mortgaged national interests to the U.S. The regime has signed numerous agreements with Israel, the U.S., Afghanistan, and many others for the benefit of domestic and foreign corporate capital.

In the last eleven years of fascist BJP rule, attacks on Dalits and Adivasis have drastically increased. The harassment and humiliation of Dalit and Bahujan officers (IAS, IPS, etc.) by brahmanical administrative authorities have also intensified. Corporate exploitation and oppression in agriculture, industry, and the service sector- by both domestic and foreign corporate capital- have expanded enormously. As a consequence, the broad masses across the country have been continuously waging defensive struggles.

In this situation, we must expand propaganda, agitations, and struggle programmes against all economic, political, and cultural policies of the brahmanical Hindutva-fascist RSS–BJP central and state governments that stand against the people; and against corporate exploitation and oppression, thereby strengthening mass support. By intensifying class struggle nationwide and expanding mass support on this basis, let us advance the guerrilla war.

Dear Comrades and the masses!

Since 1973, to overcome the fundamental crisis, imperialism has pushed forward imperialist globalisation. However, the global economic crisis of 2008 proved that imperialist globalisation has failed. This crisis has still not been resolved. All the economic, political, military, and cultural policies that the imperialist countries and the backward countries following them, or being made to follow them, implemented to overcome that crisis have failed miserably or are in the process of failing. To implement the policies associated with imperialist globalisation, in many countries across the world, right-wing, racist, and fascist parties have come to power. These right-wing, racist, and fascist parties have trampled even the minimal bourgeois-democratic rights in their respective countries and are enforcing repression and fascism. As part of implementing imperialist globalisation, although imperialist exploitation has intensified severely in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, its burden continues to be borne by the working class and the middle class even in the imperialist countries that export imperialist capital. In the countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the comprador bourgeoisie and the landlord class, acting as agents of imperialist exploitation, have intensified oppression and plunder of the people. Against this, people’s struggles in these countries continue at varying levels.

The “Arab Spring” uprisings that erupted in African countries around 2012–13 could not overthrow the system of exploitation. During the last 3–4 years, although the immediate triggers behind the popular uprisings in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, the Philippines, and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir appear varied, the fundamental cause behind them is imperialist globalisation and the intensity of exploitation and oppression by the comprador corporate (foreign and domestic) capital and landlord classes in those countries. During this same period, even in Western European countries, the working class and the middle class have been rising against exploitation by finance capital.

The victory of the Democratic Party candidate Zohran Kwame Mamdani, as mayor of New York, in the United States was due to the opposition of workers, employees of the middle class, and immigrant populations in that city to the right-wing, racist, fascist Trump administration. Likewise, in the last 2–3 years, in Europe and other countries, the electoral victories of Social Democratic and Democratic Party candidates over right-wing, racist, and fascist parties have been driven by widespread opposition to the policies of imperialist globalisation and the growth of right-wing and fascist forces. In the coming days, this contradiction will intensify further.

Seizing this moment, communists and revolutionaries across the world must organise themselves as revolutionary parties in their countries, transfrom small parties into large ones, and strengthen the weak ones.

For the past year, the tariff war arising from the intensified conflict between the U.S. and China resulted in a temporary truce when U.S. President Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping met in Busan, South Korea, in the first week of November. Both countries announced a one-year suspension of the trade war. The U.S. decided to reduce the 10 per cent tariff on Chinese imports. In contrast, China agreed to lift its ban on the export of rare earth minerals. Due to the economic downturn and recession, the U.S. and China were compelled to take these decisions. This temporary agreement does not mean that the U.S.–China conflict has ended. Both countries are competing for world hegemony. According to this trend, the U.S.-China confrontation will sharpen in the coming days across all spheres.

Since the onset of the capitalist system, especially after capitalism transformed into imperialism, imperialismhas increasingly become a destroyer of the environment. Today, not only humanity but the entire planet faces grave danger. In this context, the United Nations’ climate conferences have produced no meaningful results. Only by destroying the capitalist–imperialist system can environmental protection measures genuinely succeed, thereby saving the environment, the earth, and humanity. In this regard, only communists and revolutionaries worldwide can lead the environmental protection movement.

As part of the sanctions the U.S. imposes worldwide, it imposed a 25 per cent tariff on India in August. Citing India’s purchase of oil from Russia, the U.S. raised tariffs from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. It severely affected India’s economy. In this situation, India drastically reduced its oil imports from Russia. The U.S. extended the exemption from the 11 per cent tariff it imposes on Indian shrimp imports only until December 31. In the coming days, the U.S. may lift this exemption. This is nothing but capitulation of India before the U.S. Under these conditions, the India–U.S. trade agreement under discussion will be entirely against the interests of the Indian people. Therefore, the Indian people- especially peasants, dairy producers, and fisherfolk- must wage struggles against the subservience of the Indian government. They must expose the deceit behind Prime Minister Modi’s “self-reliance” rhetoric. Genuine self-reliance emerges only when unequal economic, trade, and commercial agreements imposed by imperialist countries are annulled. Self-reliance becomes a reality only when the New Democratic Revolution is completed. Country’s sovereignty and independence must be to achieve self-reliance.Parties belonging to the exploiting classes cannot achieve this. Therefore, only through the victory of the revolutionary movement led by the proletarian party can this goal be accomplished.

The BJP, having converted the Election Commission into its pocket institution, has been indulging in voter fraud and numerous illegalities and winning assembly and parliamentary elections. Even in the Bihar Assembly elections, it won through widespread irregularities and electoral fraud. This situation has once again exposed the utter falsity of the present parliamentary system. In this situation, to establish genuine democracy, a new democratic system must be put in place. For this, the broad masses of the country must unite, arm themselves, and overthrow this exploitative order.

Dear Comrades and the masses!

In the current situation, with the revolutionary movement having suffered severe losses, we cannot celebrate the PLGA anniversary as we did in the past. Therefore, in the current phase, the party and the PLGA forces must commemorate the anniversary with primary emphasis on security. Across the forests, plains, and urban areas of the country, group meetings and small meetings must be held and the anniversary observed in appropriate forms. Posters and pamphlets must be distributed throughout the region to inform the people about the need to strengthen the PLGA. Eligible persons must be recruited into the PLGA.

• Let us protect the Party, the PLGA, mass organisations, and the revolutionary movement from the counter-revolutionary “Kagar” war.

• Intensify the class struggle against imperialism, comprador corporate capital (foreign and domestic), and the landlord classes.

• Intensify people’s struggles against the Brahmanical Hindutva-fascist RSS–BJP central and state governments.

• Prevent losses. Oppose deviation and betrayal. Firmly defend the interests of oppressed people.

• Long live Marxism–Leninism–Maoism.

• Long live the New Democratic Revolution of India.

• Long live the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA).

• Long live the Communist Party of India (Maoist).

With revolutionary greetings,
Central Military Commission,
Communist Party of India (Maoist)
14.11.2025