Two Lines Struggle

 

Proletarians and people of the world , unite!

Reject the new modalities of revisionism and hold the Maoist International Conference!

“It is not possible to mechanically separate the political issues from the organizational”. (Lenin, XI Party Congress)

“In order to conduct the revolution towards the victory, an political party must depend on the correction of its own political line and the solidity of their own organization”. (Chairman Mao).

Introduction

The declaration of the International Revolutionary Movement in 1993, called ”long live to the Marxism-leninism-maoism!”, represented a big mark on the theoretical, political, and practical effort on the unification of the communist parties and organizations of our time. The fact that the Marxism-leninism-maoism is the Marxism of nowadays, is also proved by the occurrence of its negation since the inside, by the emergence of new modalities of revisionism that presents themselves as their defenders. In the ideological level, this is the most concentrated form of the class struggle moved incessantly between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the revolution and counter-revolution. To deny the need for continuous struggle between all the manifestations of revisionism is the equivalent of deny or relativize the very existence of the classes and the class struggle.

The most serious of these manifestations occurred in Nepal, under the name of “Prachanda’s Path”, witch didn’t take long to reveal its traitor essence by incorporating itself on the Nepal state, of witch became one of the supporting beams. There, as usual, the most wide open distortions of the revolutionary Marxist-leninist-maoist principles were presented as “concrete analyses of concrete situation”. We say that this one was the most serious one, because it has interrupted and defeated temporarily the prolonged peoples war in progress on that country, already in the strategic offensive phase, that caused a big setback not only to the national communist movement, but to the whole world. This betrayal, naturally, doesn’t erase the achievements and the rich experience that was accomplished in 1996 up to 2006, witch rigorous balance is the essential condition to the resumption oh the revolutionary struggle on that country.

Another noticeable manifestation of this new “Maoist” revisionism, in the present century, was the so-called “new synthesis” praised by Bob Avakian, equally harmful, as it incorporates in a Maoist seemingly language the post-modern critics on Marxism, in order to transform it in a mere method of analysis, detached of the proletarian and revolutionary character. We add the Linha Opostunista de Direita (LOD) in Peru, writer of the “Peace Letters” falsely attributed to Comrade Gonzalo, who died as a faithful proletarian leader, in witch their errors and limitations weigh; and the embarrassed gonzalists, grouped in the International Communist League (ICL) around the so-called “reconstructed” Communist Party of Brasil (P.C.B.). This current, that hides itself behind the slogan/phrase “mainly Maoism”, converges with Prachanda, Avakian and LOD-Peru, by braking the internal unity oh the international proletarian ideology, and by saying that, by all effects, the formulations born in the fire of the Chinese revolution are no longer capable of giving answers to the crucial problems of the revolutionary struggle of nowadays, not without appealing to the so-called “universal validity contributions of Chairman Gonzalo”, whose orthodoxy they themselves blatantly violate.

In fact, it is an obligation to the Marxist-leninist-maoist of our time to do a complete and systematic balance of the ICM after 1976. After all, the combat against the contemporary manifestations of revisionism is one of the conditions to make an authentic “concrete analysis of the concrete situation”.

On the struggle against the new “Maoist” revisionism

On this subject, if it is true that both Prachanda and Avakian has failed in structure an international current around themselves, the same can’t be said about the embarrassed gonzalists. Here, in first place, we justify the term: more than once, the classics has warned that a political party cannot be judged by what it says about themselves, but by their acts. Although it has not been assumed in its Declaration the defense of the “universal validity contributions of Chairman Gonzalo”, that is what almost all of the organizations grouped in the ICL praise. Besides that, most part of the sentences of this Declaration are simple copies of the documents from the Communist Party of Peru. Maybe worst than the defense of an misplaced position, is its embarrassed defense. In fact, this group advocates that is not possible to make a revolution in the current century without applying ipsis litteris the alleged contributions, witch proof was not even verified in Peru¹. In addition, it is necessity to distinguish between the original formulations of Comrade Gonzalo – in witch object was the Peruvian revolution, in the context of four decades behind – from its appropriation and artificial universalization by the embarrassed gonzalists.

In fact, this gonzalist current aims to obtain some capacity of confuse because expresses in a much deeper way the gravity of the situation that the International Communist Movement has arrived on the last thirty years, but most particularly after the problems occurred in Peru and Nepal (on last analysis, because of the of spacing between the teachings of the classics, by the incomprehension or revision of certain fundamental principles, in the name of the “original developments” in the name of developing a thought or a guide-path).

In his relentless critic against the oztovists, ultra-left petit-bourgeois current, witch denied the need for the Bolsheviks to combine legal and illegal work, on the period of the Stolipinian reaction, Lenin classified this current as “the worst caricature of the bolshevism made by their worst enemies” and “liquidationist in reverse”. By denying the possibility and the need for a systematic work of masses, witch they substituted by the artificial excitement of isolated actions, they in fact came to the same conclusions of the rightists who advocated for the dissolution of the party.²

Indeed, the embarrassed gonzalists, that convert the scientific communism in mere repetitions of phrases that are valid regardless of the context and fro the eternity; who brake the inside unity of the Marxism-leninism-maoism, in the name of their “especially Maoism”, in last words, they deny the dialectic as the unity of opposites by affirming an absolute vision and unilateral of the social phenomenons (same as they apply with the democratic centralism, by them described as centralism and democracy, especially centralism); by the historical idealism in refusing, not only to make an extensive balance and systematic of the peoples war in Peru, but also to recognize that, with the disorganization of the party, this peoples war was interrupted; to substitute the practice and the investigation, by mandatory definitions and virulent verbiage that suppresses the active ideological struggle, and is also incapable of winning the masses to the revolutionary positions, they are the communists as the ones seen by the lens of the bourgeois. Profoundly dependents on the bourgeois vision of the “great men”, that substitute the basic Marxist postulate that are the masses that make the history.

In title of illustration, let’s quote one of the sentences considered “eternally valid” by this current, “The masses make the history, the Party lead them”. At first sight, it seems harmless, an addition to the formulation that Chairman Mao repeatedly affirmed, the Marxist principle that it is the masses who make history. Had the Great Helmsman forgotten the party? Naturally, no. But the political parties doesn't exist on the air. As Lenin already has synthesized, the parties are the class core, the class is the base of party. In this sense, because the masses make history, they organize themselves into parties. Party organization is derived; is a consequence and a manifestation of the principle that the masses make history. By all effects, the embarrassed gonzalists vision denies the role of the masses and of the mobilization of their creativity in the revolution and the idea of “plans” detailed until further steps of the revolutionary process pretends to: 1) the knowledge outside the experience, 2) breaking the relation between practice x theory and the need for learning from the masses and their living experience (and even to learn from the counter-revolution, take lessons from the counter-subversive war in order to advance the revolutionary war). In this point, but not only in here, their aprioristic idealism becomes one with the so-called new synthesis, also profoundly aprioristic, presented by Bob Avakian. Both of them, are acute manifestations of the infiltration from the bourgeois ideology in the working class.

Another serious deviation, that origins from the despise of the role of the masses and the practice as agents and main fonts of the revolutionary transformation, is theirs proclaimed theory of the “Chiefdom”, a Linpiaoist deformation , that has nothing to do to Lenin’s and Mao’s approach on the role of the chiefs and their relation with the party. It is pure falsification to say that in the critic on Khrushchev, the PCCh has defended the cult to the leader in counter-position to the attacks from him against Comrade Stalin. As it is well known, in China, the influence of Lin Piao and his “theory of the genius” was huge in the firsts tempestuous years of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Chairman Mao has never agreed to this and also made that the party direction sent down numerous circulars, including the one that banned the ruling that determined the study of his citations at the dusk and dawn that was being practiced in many locations, in 1967.

Brief commentary on the statutes from PCCH and the vicissitudes from the GRCP

The influence of the Lin Piao line in the PCCh, has come in to being so profound that in the IX Congress in 969 – in thesis, the Congress that has completely defeated the followers of the capitalist path -, was included this definition in the Statutes od the party:

“For half a century now, in leading China's great struggle for accomplishing the new-democratic revolution, in leading her great struggle for socialist revolution and socialist construction and in the great struggle of the contemporary international communist movement against imperialism, modern revisionism and the reactionaries of various countries, Comrade Mao Tsetung has integrated the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of revolution, inherited, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism and has brought it to a higher and completely new stage. Comrade Lin Piao has consistently held high the great red banner of Mao Tsetung Thought and has most loyally and resolutely carried out and defended Comrade Mao Tsetung's proletarian revolutionary line. Comrade Lin Piao is Comrade Mao Tsetung's close comrade-in-arms and successor.” (Constitution of the Communist Party of China, 1969).

Then, in the X Congress in 1973, that had to be convoked exceptionally only a few years after the previous (just to clarify for the comrades, between the VIII Congress, in 1956, and the IX, in 1969, there had been thirteen years), exactly due to the unmasking and fall of Lin Piao (who died in a plain accident, during his escape to the USSR), not only the reference to this one as the “next successor” of Mao was suppressed, but also in the place of the protagonism of “Comrade Mao” it is emphasized the protagonism of the Party:

“Through more than fifty years of arduous struggle, the Communist Party of China has led the Chinese people in winning complete victory in the new-democratic revolution, great victories in socialist revolution and socialist construction and great victories in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.” (Contitution of the Communist Party of Chine, 1973).

Chairman Mao himself has called the attention on the four leaderships from the left so that they didn’t act “like a gang”, in the meaning of searching for most of the quadros and militantes, and not simply fomenting a factionalist struggle around who defended “more” or “less” Chairman Mao, a very convenient ground for the right wing to conceal the substance of its positions behind a merely formal radicalism, just as Lin Piao did. To make a filiation to a chief and not to the principles the main driving force of the struggle, depoliticizes the ideological struggle and blurres peoples capacity on seeing what is wright and wrong based on their own initiative and study. In fact, the right wing in the PCCh used and abused on this method, including to persecute and to take off the scene the true maoists, as well onto divide the eft in course of the GPCR. In a crucial letter to Jiang Qing, in july 1966, therefore, when it was going to the peak of the revolutionary mobilization od the masses, Chairman Mao not only rejects the “cult of the leader” then practiced by Lin Piao but also explains why in that context he had to make a concession:

“Objects all must go towards [their] opposite side. The more the praise, the heavier the fall. I am preparing to fall and be broken to pieces. That is no worry. Matter cannot be destroyed, but it is shattered into pieces. The whole world has over 100 [communist] parties. Most of the parties don’t believe in Marxism-Leninism. [These] people have also beaten Marx and Lenin into pieces, so what of us?22 I urge you to pay attention to this question. Do not become dizzy in your head from victory. Frequently think of your weaknesses, shortcomings, and mistakes.

I have talked with you about this question so many times that I don’t know the count. You do still remember, that in April, in Shanghai this was discussed as well.

The above writing, often has what approaches black words. Do not some anti-party elements speak in just this sort of way? But they want to completely defeat our party and myself. I am but speaking in regard to my own role—about which I think there are a few formulations that are not reasonable.23 This is the difference between me and the black gang.

This matter can not be made public at present. The entire left and the broad masses all are speaking in this way.24 Making it public would pour cold water on them, and help the right. And the present task is for the entire party and country to achieve a general defeat (it can not be a complete one) of the right, and then in seven or eight years to have another movement for sweeping away the monsters and demons, and after there will for more sweeping. Therefore, these nearly black words of mine cannot be made public now.” ³

As we can see, the cult to the leader was never defended by Mao: this is a Linpiaoist distortion, not by a coincidence, at the position of chief of the EPL, was criticized more than once because of his militarist position during the peoples war. By effect, Chairman Mao honored his words and, when the situation permitted, attacked until the most profound roots, Lin Piao’s “theory of genius” – the study and assimilation of the documents, many of them are still unseen, from the Campaign “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius”, are crucial parts of the balance of the own existance of the Great Cultural Proletarian Revolution, one of the most valuable treasures. On his comment to the conpilation on Chen Po-ta, who defended the role of the genius in history, even before publicizing the critic against Lin Piao, Chairman Mao strictly said that “the primary thing doesn’t come from people’s genius but through people’s social practice” ⁴.

Well, as same as it appeared in Peru as “Gonzalo’s Thought” as, after, in Nepal, as “Prachanda’s Path”, are derivations of a specie of Lin Piao’s line, not Mao Zedong, on the role od the chiefs and genius in history. By effects, how can a Marxist accept this passsagem in the document “Sobre as duas colinas”, from PCP:

“Who developed Marxism, raising it to levels that one cannot even imagine how much they contribute to the revolutions in the world today? Who established all those laws of society, the state, the Party, the revolution, the People's War, the army, and the New Power? Everything was done by Chairman Gonzalo, the greatest Marxist-Leninist-Maoist alive on the face of the Earth today. Can anyone prove otherwise?” (CPP, 1991).

As we can see, not only it is denied the role of the masses, as it is denied the role of the party itself, These do exist, but as Gonzalo's creatures... Is it by chance that, once the command fell, who certain idealist theory claimed to be immortal, the party has been split, as a consequence in a setback for the prolonged people’s war that has not yet been reverted? It is much distinct, as we know, by an example, the approach of the comrades from the Communist Party of India (Maoist). And if it is wright that the loss of a leadership in the party is a much hard hit in any context, their formulation on the party being a collective intelligence makes it much more resilient to face situations of this kind, as we saw after the last martyrdom of the General-Secretary, Comrade Basavaraj, a true Marxist master of our time.

That is why, effectively, we can say that the gonzalist position is a liquidationist in reverse position (as Lenin more than once referred to the oztovists), that denies the centrality of the party as a “one million finger hand”, as a collective mind, in favor of the “sole-personal” guidence of the chief. Comrades, this is pure revisionism! And it is, as a conception, much closer to the new synthesis of Avakian (himself, pointed out as the “genius of today” and “infallible” president of PCR-USA) than to the Marxism-leninism-maoism. Otherwise, let’s see:

“In Bob Avakian, the Chairman of our Party, we have the kind of rare and precious leader who does not come along very often. A leader who has given his heart, and all his knowledge, skills and abilities, to serving the cause of revolution and the emancipation of humanity. Bob Avakian has developed the scientific theory and strategic orientation for how to actually make the kind of revolution we need, and he is leading our Party as an advanced force of this revolution. He is a great champion and a great resource for people here, and indeed people all over the world. The possibility for revolution, right here, and for the advance of the revolution everywhere, is greatly heightened because of Bob Avakian and the leadership he is providing.”⁵

The formulation structure is the same: an infallible chief (of which the party is nothing more than a product), without witch the integral and original formulations the revolution cannot triumph “not in here not in all places”. This are the errors that rest on the same basis and common source, in this case, Lin Piao’s conceptions, that has been diffused often inside and out China, at the end of the 1960s, as they were an consequent defense on Chairman Mao’s line. The embarrassed gonzalists copy on second hand this deviations, indifferent to any other historical context, because, at the end of the day, as idealists, the history doesn't really matter to them. In this crucial point, although not only in there, it maintains pretty evident how the embarrassed gonzalists are nothing more then Avakianists with a fevre of 40°C.

Show the continuity between this wrong “Hebrew mentality” (term that Chairman Mao coined in the 1930s to define Wang Ming’s line, recycled by Lin Piao and his “theory of genius”) and the deviations verified in Peru and Nepal, - in fact, in order to consider with justice the distinct role played by Gonzalo e Prachanda, - would be an enormous contribution to the ICM and a combt weapon against this new-revisionists degeneration. In fact, the relation between the Communist Party and the State, between the leaders and the masses, between the defense of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the decrease on the role of the State until it’s disappearance, are much complex and crucial problems, that collides on the very limits of the experience of the construction of the socialism in the XX century.

LCI’s divisionism is a consequence of theirs revisionism

As it’s known, the gonzalist current, by founding the International Communist League, in a International Maoist Conference so-called unified that has grouped fundamentally their own field, divided the crescent reunion of the communist around the most important peoples war in course – in India and Philippines – and has weakened, when didn’t attack in a much sordid way, the efforts on taking in more coordinated way the internationalist mobilization, in witch stands out the current Comitê Internacional de Apoio à Guerra Popular da Índia (ICSPWI). In fact, initially, they tried to use it to their own designs; as they failed on the intent, attacked this forum as it was an “internet ghost” and disqualified the profound theoretical and ideological critic from the Communist Party of India (Maoist) to the predominant conceptions on the ICL, as if they were uninformed positions or made merely on method issues⁶. Behind that, there ir the semi-public position that the Indian comrades “underestimates” the international action, when there cannot be bigger internationalist contribution than sustain the red flag of the peoples war and to endow the proletarians of the whole world with right positions under a series of current issues, in the economical field, political, organizational and military. These positions are well expressed in many documents from the Indian comrades, who have sustained them with their own blood, so that it is up to the communists from the other countries their own quota of effort in studying and spread this precious literature, taking it as a guide to action.

It would be a serious mistake to take this embarrassed gonzalists formulations as they were mere juvenile excesses, therefore correctable. These are, in fact, of some parties e leaders with a long history of action, that act with absolute expertize. Their action confuses with their verbal revolutionism some of the most radicalized sectors of the petit-bourgeois (because this verbal revolutionism is the best expression of this sector), that could be reeducated and perform a positive part under the correct orientation. Because of that, Marx, Lenin and Mao had never underestimated the need for fighting the opportunism in all forms, including the supposedly “radical” ones and “left” ones – simply remember the Wan Ming line in China, that has resulted in the liquidation of four-fifths of the ranks of the party and of the red army of workers and peasants -, even if naturally has underlined the right-wing opportunism as the main danger, witch is valid up to nowadays and will be on the next decades, that we emphasize the perniciousness of Teng and Xi Jinping’s revisionism.

Isn’t it after all serious that in the most acute moment of the repression to the Naxalists comrades there has been moved a vil campaign of attack on the ICSPWI? That only after the arrival of our scission and implacable critique to this position in Brazil, this current has returned, somewhat reluctantly and slowly, to do something in respect of the defense on the Indian Revolution, besides publications and notes? In a text of critiques on the Italian comrades, signed by the editorial of the International Communist Blog, in may 2022, said the embarrassed gonzalists:

“All the “facts” and “reports” produced by your Party through ICSPWI demonstrate that your Party has usurped this apparatus for its own interests, that is, to use the actions carried out by other parties and organizations of the MCI to promote itself and hide the absolute non-existence of its own forces among the masses, trafficking with the great People's War in India, dividing and limiting the campaign in its support.”⁷

Of course, that can be addressed critics to different parties and international forums, and including they can be hard, since they are founded and have a political character.

However, what we see above, and in this whole document, it is the vile method of slander and disqualification, that is, the bourgeois method of suppressing the two lines struggle, in the name of “flatten” the contrary positions; in the name of the “democratic centralism, specially centralism” that not even faintly look like Chairman Mao’s formulations. By the contrary: they are theirs direct denial. This “evaluation” on the activities of the ICSPWI directly chocks with the one made by the comrades of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) themselves, as we have seen in the glorious Comrade Basavaraj’s declaration, an authentic Marxist master of our time:

“On this occasion, we extend revolutionary greetings and revolutionary thanks to the ICSPWI and various revolutionary parties that have carried out solidarity movements in support of the People's War in India at the international level over the past decade and a half. You know that the International Day of Action against the strategic and counterrevolutionary offensive ‘SAMADHAN’ and the Prahar offensive were called by the ICSPWI. The propaganda and agitation activities that took place on a broader level on February 10, March 23, and September 13 were the result of the initiative of the International Communist Movement.⁸.

As we see, they are diametrically opposed assessments.

In the same document as the rabid critiques on the comrades of the Communist Party (Maoist) of Italy and to the ICSPWI – an embarrassed way to attack the Communist Party of India (Maoist) itself – the editors od the “Communist International” say

“The main, first, and foremost task (SIC) is the establishment or reestablishment of Communist Parties (note: the culmination of the establishment or reestablishment is—as the PCP teaches us—the beginning of the People's War!) and simultaneously the other two instruments of revolution, amid the fiercest class struggle and two lines.” (our highlight).

There is a Brazilian saying that is “Blacksmith's house, wooden skewer”, used when someone doesn’t practices what they predicates. Isn’t it quite symptomatic that the embarrassed gonzalists, “champions” on the “peoples war”, doesn’t practices it, while the effectively engaged parties rejects theirs subjective formulations? Extravagant militarism unarmed!

As we see, the Brazilian embarrassed gonzalists and theirs defenders in Europe usurp the prestige of Comrade Gonzalo and the heroic efforts of the Peruvian masses in the course of the peoples war in rising themselves as the “great leaders”. They have deliberated, also, some years before the holding of theirs International Conference, that the illustrious unknown that leads the P.C.B. (illustrious unknown including to the Brazilian proletariat) “seconded” Comrade Gonzalo in the ICM. After the murder of this would that be, in this terms, the current “greatest Marxist-leninist-maoist living on the face of Earth?” This sinister elements has even come to include the signature of the Communist Party of Peru (CPP) in the Political and Principles Declaration of the International Communist League (ICL) published in 2022, without any confirmation on their existence and action of this party among the proletariat on their country⁹. How can we qualify such actions? By any case they correspond even in one millimeter to the principles on the proletarian internationalism? Are these naive manifestations or, on the contrary, a hideous perversion and unacceptable of the Marxist-leninist-maoist methods, the mixing of a “ultra revolutionary” verborragia with the methods of the fraud and intrigue, complete unfamiliar to the proletariat?

Whichever way, the Marxist-leninist-maoists must do a serious auto critic, because, in parts, the disorganizing role of this harmful embarrassed gonzalists current is related to our own debility. As it signs the example of Lenin and the Bolsheviks, idea that assumes that it takes at first the strength to organize after is a manifestation of pragmatism and of the old thesis of the tactic-process and the Menschevik’s organization-process. The strength can’t come from nowhere, but from the organized action around the right principles. One organization will open the path, even if it is born fragile. As Chairman Mao says, “to conduct the revolution to the victory, a political party must depend on the correction of its own political line and the solidity of its own organization”. In the moment that the accelerated march to a new imperialist war of world division puts back in the order of the day the great fundamental problems of the war, the State, the Imperialism and the revolution, it is an imperative obligation to provide the new generation of revolutionary and the masses of a consequent proletariat class line, that is, Marxist-leninist-maoist. If it is true that is never late to get organized, it is also true that the absence of solid combat organizations in each country, capable of not only defend the general principles, but also formulate phrases that are flexible and adequate to the circumstances; in the absence of the construction of the party in the struggle of founding the two other instruments, the united front and the peoples army, the new and imminent revolutionary torrents will fail, as has failed the attempts of the german workers by the end of World War I. This organization must have its international correspondent, because this is what matches with the universal character of the proletariat.

It is in virtue to solve the current problems of the revolution on our time that we must settle accounts with the last half century of counter-revolution – starting on the restoration in China -, to proceed on a systematization and synthesis of the revolutionary experiences in Peru and Nepal, by one side (and theirs “original” postulates on the Gonzalo’s Thought and Prachanda’s Path), and India, Philippines and Turkey, on the other, systematization and synthesis that provides the base to the formulation of a General Line to the International Communist Movement capable of giving an common orientation to be applied and developed in each country. This process must be made through the active and renovated two lines struggle, because it was only by the struggle that the Marxism-leninism-maoism opened path and triumphed. Besides that, the problem of the march to the new imperialist war, the ascension of a new fascism and the need for building strong united fronts has enormous importance and actuality.

Heading to the International Maoist Conference!

In the moment that the world walks to a new war of division; when it intensifies in the whole world the spirit of national and social struggle of the working masses; when the success of the next revolutionary round imposes a much deeper balance of the firsts attempts, it would be a serious mistake to delay the organization od the Marxist-leninist-maoist vanguard in international level. Particularly critic is the need for actively supporting the national liberation struggles,- witch highlights themselves the heroic Palestine resistance, and the peoples war in course, above all in India, cruelly attacked by the fascist hinduvta regime of Modi-BJP. It would be as wrong to say that the vanguard can only be organized in international level after an hypothetical strength accumulation as it would be to predicate that, inside a country, the communists shouldn’t act as a party under any circumstances.

We think that the future International Conference of Marxist-leninist-maoist Parties and Organization's agenda must come from the following points, around which there is already an accumulation of important statements and initiatives, whether in the context of circulars 1

1­– Defense of the Marxism-leninism-maoism as today’s Marxism. This implies on rejecting on the theory “isms” and “Thoughts” as formulations that chocks with this characterization, and are, therefore, revisionism. Even because, MLM is an integral world sight and universal: there can’t be, by definition, one or many independent national types of Maoism. The concrete application of the universal to the particular is the primary and constant duty to the parties as an elaboration of a political line, program and specific statute, witch doesn’t confuses with those formulations.

In order to do that, it must be elected as the starting point tha synthetic balance of the Great Cultural Proletarian Revolution; the period of the MRI (struggle against LOD - Peru, Avakian and Prachanda’s Path) and after its dissolution (struggle against the embarrassed gonzalism and the ICL). Particularly, the balances of the peoples war in Peru and Nepal.

2­– The defense of the peoples war in India, Philippines and Turkey, because of the richness of theirs formulations and experience, besides the own demographic and economic weight of its country to the survival of the imperialist system, we highlight the role of the New Democracy Revolution in India as the “strategic anchor od the World Socialist Revolution”.

3­– The need for making the international communist movement as one with the rising appel of the masses in the whole world against racism, fascism and militarism, that serves to a new imperialist war to the division of the world. It’s necessary to reject any support to the bandit gang against other, following the example of the Bolsheviks between 1914-1917, even if it has costed the price of persecution and prison. In the case of the oppressed nations assaulted by the imperialism, apply boldly Chairman Mao’s united frot policy, without giving up the independence and autonomy of the Communist Party or capitulate to the bourgeois nationalism.

4­– In the meaning of organizational issues, the upcoming coordination from the Conference must deliberate the issues and tactical calls strictly based on the deliberations of the Founder Forum and the broad consultation of the parties and organizações-membros. It must aim to discuss the political subjects (that is, not merely operational issues) up to the maximum by consensus. In this sense, the very fact that there is a legitimate and organized space to the ideological struggle on the vanguard’s bosom already is the biggest advance to be accomplished and an undeniable progress due to the current scenario. We support the concept of the Two Lines Struggle Magazine as the point of support and tribune of debates to the accomplishment of the Conference.

Maoist Communist Committee – Brazil

January 2026.

1 The main instrument that the proletarian depends on to make the New Democracy Revolution and go on to socialism is the Communist Party. The perseverance and the strengthening of this party is the primary condition to any further development. We must remind that the documents of the CPP referred to Chairman Gonzalo as the “guaranty to the triumph until communism”. The dispersion of the Communist Party of Peru and its Central Committee, in sequence of the fall of comrade Gonzalo, before the New Democracy Revolution itself has been complete, reveals the subjectivism of that sentence. The twist of this dramatic picture of the peoples war in Peru is conditioned by the rigorous balance of its own experience, a task that is blocked by the gonzalists approach, that only apply on the analysis of the problems the metaphysics principle of the external causality.

2 See in Lenin, “A caricature of Bolshevism”, 1908.

3 Link availabe in: https://www.bannedthought.net/China/Individuals/MaoZedong/Letters/Mao'sLetterToJiangQing-660708-Alt3.pdf, acessessed in 29/01/2026.

4 Link available in: https://bannedthought.net/USA/MCU/RedPages/issue_two/a-few-opinions-of-mine/, acessessed in 29/01/2024.

5 “The Revolution We Need... The Leadership We Have A Message, And A Call, From The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA”, available in: https://revcom.us/i/170/170shortVersion2sidedFinal.pdf, acessed in 29/01/2026.

6 In its document “Our assessment of ‘The PCI (Maoist) position on the formation of the International Communist League (ICL)’”, the ICL says that: “if there is a problem in the way we obtain information, the conclusions we draw from that information will be flawed from the outset“ and, completely misrepresenting the theoretical and political criticisms of the Indian comrades, says: ”these differences do not amount to any difference in ideological principles." Doesn't the criticism of subjectivism and the divergence on the very characterization of the current stage of the ideology of the international proletariat constitute an important difference in “ideological principles”?

7 Availabe in https://ci-ic.org/es/2022/05/27/lo-veis/.

8 interview with Comrade Basavaraj, General-Secretary of CPI (Maoist), in October 2022. Published for the first time in Portuguese by the Cultural Revolution Magazine: https://www.revolucaocultural.com.br/post/entrevista-com-basavaraj

9 Link available in: https://serviraopovo.com.br/2022/12/27/jornal-ci-ic-declaracao-politica-e-de-principios-da-liga-comunista-internacional/ , acess on 29/01/2026.